tKfje  ILibrarp 

of  tfje 

Wini\ytt^iiV  of  iSortl)  Carolina 


Collection  of  i^ortf)  Caroliniana 
C.3 


C75 

C.3 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N  C,  AT  CHAPEL  I 


iilllillllilllilil 

00032193750 

THIS   NILE  HAS  BtLiN  r/iiCROFILMED 

This  book  must  not 
be  f-aken  from  the 
Library  building. 


Form  No.   471 


►^t-'^y 


4^' 


SOME    ACCOUNT 


LIFE  AND   SERVICES 


WILLIAM     BLOUNT, 


AX  OFFICER  OF  THE  REVOLI'TION ARY  ARMY,  MEMBER  OF  THE 
CONTINENTAL     CONGRESS,    AND     OF    THE    CONVENTION 
WHICH  FRAMED  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES,  ALSO   GOVERNOR  OF  THE  TERRITORY 
SOUTH    OF  THE    OHIO  RIVER,  AND  SENA- 
TOR   IX    CONGRESS    U.    S.    1783-1797. 


TnCF-TIIKIl    WITH    A 


FULL  ACCOUNT  OF  HLS  IMPEACHMENT  AND  TRIAL  IN  CONGRESS, 
AND  HIS  EXPULSION  FROM  THE  U.  S.  SENATE. 


Gen.   Marcus  J.  Wright. 


J  .    GRAY,   PUBLISHER 

W  A  S  H  I  .V  G  T  O  N  ,     U  .     C  . 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1884, 

By  E.  J.  GRAY, 

in  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress. 


PREFACE. 


Among  the  pioneer  patriots  of  the  territory  south  of  the  Ohio, 
v,-]\o  asserted  the  riglits  of  its  settlers  both  in  council  and  in  the 
field,  none  deserve  more  grateful  rcmcmljrance  than  A\'illiam 
Blount. 

After  a  careful  study  of  his  life  and  character,  I  do  not  hesitate 
to  say  that  in  breadth  of  intellect,  deep  thought,  untiring  activity, 
intrepid  perseverance,  and  broad  patriotism  lie  had  few  equals  and 
no  superior  among  his  colleagues. 

lie  united  in  his  character  the  gentleman,  the  soldier,  the  states- 
man and  the  citizen ;  and  all  in  the  most  perfect  harmony  of  those 
■qualities  which  challenge  admiration  in  both  public  and  private 
life.  Defamed  and  traduced  for  a  brief  time  in  his  life  by  the  fol- 
lowers of  a  strong  partizan  administration  under  which  his  service 
as  senator  commenced;  expelled  from  his  seat  in  a  manner  so  hasty 
and  on  evidence  so  slight  that  its  reading  now  excites  wonder,  he 
never  failed  to  retain  the  fullest  confidence  of  the  people  of  Ten- 
nessee, who  demonstrated  it  by  placing  liini  afterwards  in  the 
highest  positions  of  trust  in  the  State. 

The  great  and  unparalleled  growtli  of  the  country  ;  the  startling 
events  which  have  occured,  notably  among  them  our  great  civil 
war ;  and  other  causes  have  prevented  such  examination  and  pub- 
lication of  the  services  and  sacrificJes  of  our  pioneers,  and  their 
great  results,  as  is  due  to  them  and  to  the  truth  of  history.  It  is 
with  this  view  that  the  writer  (or  rather  com[)iler)  has  undertaken 
this  sketch  of  the  life  and  services  of  Governor  Blount.  A  careful 
perusal  of  his  history  has  led  me  to  attempt  in  an  humble  Avay  to 
do  justice  to  the  life  and  character  of  a  man  whose  great  and  divcr- 
silicd  public  services  were  rendered  in  a  field  so  broad,  and  at  a 
time  so  marked  with  important  events,  (l)ut  succeeded  in  later  years 
by  a  civil  revolution  of  such  magnitude,)  that  he  and  those  who 
served  the  country  with  him  have  been  relegated  to  almost  ob- 
livion. Governor  Blount  lived  in  an  age  when  conspicuous  merit 
alone  secured  commanding  influence.  It  was  among  the  most 
independent,  adventurous,  self-reliant  individualisms  in  history. 
^  His  brilliant  qualities  pointed  to  him  as  one  of  the  leaders  in  tlic 
O 

'<^ 


grand  march  of  civilization  that  \Yas  grachially  unfolding  itself  in 
the  great  valley  of  the  :Mississippi.  Tlie  race  that  ha^  ever  moved 
over  ocean  and  mountain  had  scaled  the  Alleghanies  and  taken 
possession  of  the  fertile  plains  of  the  mighty  \yest.  There  it  met 
every  privation  and  ol^struction  that  isolation  and  a  barbarous  foe 
could  oppose.  Thrown  into  new  scenes,  far  from  the  support  and 
succor  of  their  government,  they  had  to  rely  upon  their  own  genius 
for  their  laws  and  protection.  Thus  relieved  of  all  dependence 
upon  old  prejudices  and  methods,  they  devised  institutions  suited 
to  their  own  happiness.  Every  en(>rgy  of  body  and  mind  was 
stimulated  into  vigorous  life.  It  was  auii<l  such  scenes  and  such- 
men  that  this  remarkable  man  was  followed  in  counsel  and  the 
lield,  with  unfaltering  fliith  and  uul)ending  purpose,  in  pros^xn-ity 
and  adversity.  No  wond(M-  th.it  lie  sought  the  happiness  and  i)ros- 
perity  of  his  companions  of  Ww  wilderness,  whilst  he  advanced 
the  National  l)orders  and  glory,  \vithout  reference  to  the  central 
power.  To  him  and  them  it  was  a  courageous  sacriiiee  for 
National  honor  and  security,  as  well  as  for  individual  hapinness. 

By  far  the  most  interesting  portion  of  this  narrative,  relating  to 
the  family  and  private  life  of  Governor  Blount,  will  be  found  in  an 
unpublished  manuscript,  which  is  entirely  authentic,  and  which 
has  been  quoted  without  change, 

I  am  also  indebted  for  valuable  iutbrmition  and  st-rviees  to 
Ex-Gov.  James  D.  Porter,  Ex-Senator  Joseph  S.  Fowler,  and  to 
Rev.  Dr.  Humes,  all  of  Tennessee,  and  especially  to  Mr.  W'm. 
Macon  Coleman,  of  North  Carolina,  who  has  rendered  me  most 
valuable  assistance  in  the  preparation  of  tliis  little  volume. 

For  whatever  it  is  worth,  I  herrl.y  (h'llicate  it  to  the  Tennessee 
Historical  Society,  and  trust  it  wdl  iiu';'l  with  the  ai)j)roval  of  its 
members,  Avho  I  know  are  desirous  of  placing  the  irue  history  of 
all  of  Tennessee's  distinguished  sons  before  the  world. 

Trusting  that  not  only  the  people  of  Tennessee,  but  all  others 
who  arc  interested  in  the  truth  of  history,  will  appreciate  my  at- 
tempt to  elucidate  it  in  these  pages,  I  submit  it  to  the  candid  judg- 
ment of  my  readers. 

M.vucus  J.  WiacHT. 
Washington,  D.  C,  March,  18S4. 


TABLE  OF  CONTRNTS. 

TIio  r.lount  family.— St^ttleinrnt  in  North  Carolina. — A  Revolu- 
tionary taiiiily. — Governor  r.Iount  an  ulliccr  in  the  Continental 
nrniy. — Marries  Mary  (Irain^er. — A  member  of  the  General 
Assembly  at  int(>rvals  from  1780  to  1700.— ^Fember  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  in  Us:',  and  17S4  and  ajrain  in  178G  and  1787. — 
A  delcjjate  from  North  CaroHna  to  the  Convention  which  framed 
the  Federal  Con.'^titution  in  1787.— A  ]nend)er  of  the  State  Conven- 
tion whieh  ratitied  that  instrument  in  1780. — Favors  the  cession 
to  tlK-  United  States  of  the  territory  now  Tennessee. — Takes  great 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  western  settlers. — Makes  the  treaty 
with  the  Cherokees  at  Hopewell. — Also  the  treaty  at  the  same  place 
with  the  Choetaws  and  Chiekasaws. — The  State  of  Frankland. — 
CJovernor  ])lonnt  eonimissioned  by  President  Washington  as  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Territory  in  170(1.— Appointed  also  Superintendent  of 
Indian  allairs,  embracing  the  Cherokees,  Creeks,  Chocktaws  and 
Chiekasaws. — His  personal  character. — The  family  from  Avhich  he 
descended  had  given  birth  to  tliree  distinct  races  of  peers. — Ge- 
nealogy of  the  family  brought  down  to  Governor  Blount. — Gov- 
ernor Blount  organizes  the  territorial  government  at  his  headquar- 
ters in  the  fork  of  the  Ilolston  and  Watauga. — John  Sevier  and 
James  Robertson  commissioned  Brigadier-Generals. — Governor 
Blount  visits  the  settlements  and  inquires  into  the  condition  and 
wants  of  the  people. — ITis  labors  in  his  double  office  of  Governor 
and  Superintendent. — The  seat  of  Government  estal)lished  at 
Knoxville. — Domestic  life. — Tennessee  admitted  as  a  State. — Gov- 
ernor Blount  elected  a  memlier  of  the  Convention  which  framed 
the  Constitution. — Chosen  President  of  that  body  by  a  unanimous 
vote. — Elected  United  States  Senator  by  the  first  Legislature  of  the 
State  in  170G. — A  full  and  complete  account  of  his  expulsion  from 
the  Senate  and  of  his  impeachment  and  trial  before  that  body. — 
The  people  of  Tennessee  resent  this  treatment  to  their  representa- 
tive.— His  enthusiastic  reception  at  home  and  new  honors  con- 
ferred upon  him. — His  vindication. — Honors  to  his  memory. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Gciicalogij  of  the  Blount  Family — Battle  of  Alamance,  1771 — Willie 
Blount  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Tennessee  and  afterwards 
Governor — Member  of  Constitutional  Convention  of  Tennessee,  1834. 
Marriage  of  William  Blount  to  Mary  Grainger — Sketch  of  Colonel 
Cabell  Grainger — Cession  of  Territory  by  Xorth  Carolina  called  the 
Territory  South  of  the  Ohio  River — William  Bloxnt  appointed  by 
President  Washington  Governor  of  the  Territory,  7th  August,  1790, 
and  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs — Sketch  of  the  English  fi  mil  y 
from  which  he  descended. 

WILLIAM  nLOUNT. 

"  Colonel  Jacol)  Blount,  the  son  of  Thomas  Blount  and  his  wifo, 
Elizabeth  Reading,  was  born  in  1726,  in  Bertie  County,  Xorth 
Carolina.  lie  was  married  in  1748  to  Barbara,  daughter  of  Jolui 
Gray,  a  Scottish  gentleman  who,  with  his  wife,  Ann  Bryan,  (.'anie 
over  in  1734,  in  the  suite  of  Gabriel  Johnston,  the  Royal  G(tvernor 
of  the  Province,  and  settled  in  Bertie  County.  Jacob  Blount,  by 
his  marriage  with  Barbara  Gray,  had  eight  children,  of  whom 
William,  afterwards  Governor,  was  the  oldest.  By  a  subsequent 
marriage  with  Hannah  Baker,  daughter  of  Edward  Salten,  he  had 
five  other  children,  one  of  whom,  Willie,  was  Governor  of  Tennes- 
see from  1809  to  1815. 

Jacob  Blount  died  in  1789,  at  Blount  Hall,  his  country  seat  in 
Pitt  County,  to  which  he  had  removed,  and  which  is  now  the 
property  of  his  grandson,  George  Blount.  He  was  a  man  of  promi- 
nence and  popularity  in  his  days,  and  was  a  member  of  the  War 
Congress  of  North  Carolina  in  1775  and  177G. 

He  and  his  son  William  participated  in  the  famous  batth-  of  Al- 
lamance  in  1771. 

Of  his  thirteen  children  these  nine  reached  mature  age,  namely: 
William,  afterwards  Governor ;  Anne,  wife  of  James  Harvey ;  Jolm 
Gray;  Louisa,  wife  of  Richard  Blackledge;  Reading,  Thomas, 
Jacob,  Willie,  afterwards  Governor,  and  Sharpe. 

William,  afterwards  Governor,  was  born  in  Bertie  County,  March 
26, 1749.  His  brothers,  Thomas  and  Reading,  were  like  himself, 
leading  spirits  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  were  officers  in  the 


O  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

military  service.  They  and  their  brother  John  G.  wore  all  at  dif- 
ferent times  members  of  the  General  Assembly,  or  of  the  War 
Congress  which  sat  during  the  early  part  of  the  struggle.  Thomas 
was  taken  prisioner  and  carried  to  England,  where  he  underwent 
a  long  confinement.  He  was  afterwards  and  for  many  years  a 
member  of  Congress  from  the  Edgecoml")  District,  up  to  his  death 
in  1812.  John  G.  and  Reading  resided  in  Beaufort  County,  where 
they  reached  influential  positions  and  were  held  in  high  estima- 
tion, and  have  left  many  descendents,  who  honorably  represent 
their  names  and  lienage.  Willie  became  a  judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  Tennessee,  and  afterwards  Governor.  He  Avas  a  member 
of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1834,  and  died  soon  afterwards 
at  his  residence  in  Clarksville,  greatly  revered  by  the  community. 

As  Jacob  Blount,  the  ftither  of  this  large  family,  was  a  man  of 
considerable  estate,  his  children  were  educated  in  a  manner  corres- 
ponding to  his  ample  means  and  to  his  high  local  position.  William- 
who  had  already  become  a  rising  man,  was  married  Febuary  12, 
1778,  to  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Caleb  Grainger,  of  Wil- 
mington, a  member  of  the  General  Assembly  t-om  New  Hanover 
County.  William  was  generally  a  member  of  that  body  from 
1780  to  1790  and  contemporaneously  with  that  service  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Continental  Congress  in  1783  and  1784,  and  again  in 
1786  and  1787.  He  represented  North  Carolina  in  the  Convention 
which  framed  the  Federal  Constitution  in  1781,  and  was  in  the 
State  Convention  which  ratified  that  instrument  in  1789.  He  was 
an  ardent  friend  of  the  act  passed  in  1789  for  the  cession  to  the 
United  States  of  the  western  domain,  now  Tennessee.  L,-During 
these  years  of  constant  and  varied  public  service,  he  took  great 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Western  Settlers,  and  warmly  sympa- 
thized with  them  in  their  difficulties  with  the  Indian  tribes.  As 
the  special  agent  of  his  State  he  was  present  in  licr  behalf  at  the 
treaty  made  with  the  Cherokees  at  Hopewell,  on  the  Howe,  Xd- 
vember  28,  1785.  In  the  same  capacity  he  attended  at  tlie 
treaties  made  at  the  same  place  in  January,  1786,  with  the  Clioc- 
taws  and  Chickasaws. 

The  generous  cession  of  her  territory  by  North  ( "arolina,  was  made 
for  the  three-fold  purpose  of  cementing  the  Union,  of  assisting  lo 
pay  the  public  debt,  and  of  ensuring  the  protection  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  that  portion  of  the  State.  The  bold  pioneers  residing  in  what 
is  now  upper  East  Tennessee  had  as  early  as  1795  set  up  the  in- 
dependent State  of  Frankland,  which  for  several  years  was  admin- 
ministered  and  partially  mainlaiucd  in  open  defiance  of  North 


UFi:  OK  wirj.iAM    Hi.orNi-.  9 

Carolina,  who  assorted  l)y  force  her  autlmrity  in  ami  over  the 
same  region.  Many  serious  conflicts  occurred  hctwccn  ihi'  ad- 
lierents  ot"  the  two  Governments.  Happily  for  all  parties  the 
cession  Act  of  1781),  followed  hy  its  acce])tanci;  l>y  (Jongress,  on 
the  21st  of  April,  1790,  opened  the  way  for  {lie  speedy  cure  of 
all  three  troui)les.  Tiie  ceded  country,  wui(-h  had  been  an  in- 
tegral portion  of  the  State  of  North  Carolina  an<l  entitled  to  rep- 
resentation in  its  General  Assembly,  was  erected  into  "  TIk^  Ter- 
ritory South  of  the  Ohio  River.''  In  compliance  with  tlu'  wishes 
as  well  of  the  western  inhabitants  as  of  those  ol"  the  old  State, 
William  Blount  was  commissioned  l)y  President  Washington  on 
the  7th  of  August,  175)0,  as  governer  of  the  Territory.  He  also  re- 
ceived the  appointment  of  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  em- 
bracing the  Cherokees,  Creeks,  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws.  Says 
Dr.  Ramsey,  the  learned  author  of  the  "  Aiuials  of  Tennessee," 
speaking  of  Mr.  IMount : 

'•  He  was  of  an  ancient  English  family  of  wealth  and  rank, 
which  at  an  early  day  emigrated  to  North  Carolina.  Tiie  name 
i<  often  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  that  State  during  the  Revo- 
lution. Mr.  Blount  was  remarkable  for  his  address,  courtly  man- 
nvis.  benignant  feelings  and  a  most  commanding  presence.  His 
urbanity,  his  personal  influence  over  men  of  all  conditions  and 
ares,  his  hospitality  unostentatiously,  but  yet  elegantly  and 
gracefully  extended  to  all,  won  upon  the  affections  and  regard  of 
the  pojiulacc  and  made  him  a  universal  favorite.  He  was  at  once 
the  social  companion,  the  well-bred  gentleman  and  the  capable 
ofiicer."' 

The  allusion  by  the  historian  to  the  lineage  of  the  Governor, 
will  justify  a  brief  statement  of  it  from  authentic  records. 

This  ancient  family  has  given  l)irth  to  three  distinct  races  of 
peers — the  Lords  of  (ruisins,  in  France;  the  Barons  of  Ixworth,  in 
Suffolk,  and  the  Barons  of  Montjoy  of  Thurveston,  County  Derby. 

Sir  Robert  Le  Blount  and  Sir  William  Le  Blount,  two  sons  of 
Rudolph.  Count  of  Guisins,  accompanied  William  the  Norman  in 
his  invasion  of  England  X.  D.  10()l>.  Sir  Robert  had  command 
of  the  Conijueror's  shi])S  (»f  war,  and  is  styled  •'  Dux  naviuni  uiili- 
tarium."  He  was  the  lir.st  feudal  Baron  of  Ixworth.  an<l  his  por- 
tion of  the  sp')lia  npiiiin  embraced  thirteen  manors  in  Sulfolk.  His 
wife  was  Gundreda,  daughter  of  Henry,  Earl  Ferrers. 

Sir  William  Le  lilount,  the  other  brother,  was  a  general  of  foot 
at  Hastings,  and  had  grants  of  seven  lordships  in  Lincolnshire. 
His   great-great-grand-daughter,    Maria   f^e   Blount,    married   her 


10  LIFE    OF   ^VILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

kinsman,  Sir  Stephen  Le  Blount,  a  descendant  of  Sir  Robert,  Baron 
of  Ixworth,  in  the  thirteenth  century  ;  and  thus  the  blood  of  the 
two  brothers  who  accompanied  the  Norman,  Avas  reunited  in  the 
persons  of  their  descendants.  Sir  Robert  Blount,  the  son  of  tliis 
marriage,  became  the  husband  of  Isabel,  daughter  of  the  I'cudal 
Lord  of  Odensels  ;  and  their  son.  Sir  William  Blount,  married  the 
Lady  Isabel  de  Beaumont,  daughter  of  William,  Earl  of  Warwich. 
Sir  W^alter,  the  son  of  this  marriage,  lei't  a  son,  Sir  John  Blount, 
who  married  Iselda,  daughter  and  heiress  of  Sir  Thomas  Montjoy. 
From  this  Sir  John  we  pass  to  his  lineal  descendant,  Sir  Walter 
Blount,  a  baronet  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First.  This  gentle- 
man suflfered  much  in  the  cause  of  that  monarch,  and  was  im- 
prisoned at  Oxford  and  in  the  Tower  of  London.  The  iii-(^sent 
representative  of  the  family  in  England  is  Sir  Edward  Blount,  or 
his  son,  Sir  W^alter  de  Sodington,  who  was  1)orn  19th  of  December^ 
1830. 

About  the  year  16G9  three  of  Sir  Walter  lUount's  sons  emigrated 
to  Virginia.  One  of  them  remained  there  and  became  the  liead  of 
a  long  line  of  descendants.  The  other  two,  James  and  Tliomas, 
crossed  over  into  North  Carolina  and  settled  in  the  country  bor- 
dering on  Albermarle  Sound.  Thomas,  the  son  of  this  Thomas, 
married  Anne  Reading  and  left  a  number  of  cliihh'c  n.  one  of  whom 
was  Jacob,  already  mentioned  as  the  lather  of  the  tvro  governors. 
The  family  in  Eastern  North  Carolina  is  large  and  its  blood  flows 
in  the  veins  of  many  of  the  worthiest  citizens  of  that  honored 
State. 


CHAPTEll  II. 

Gov.  Blount  Eaters  on  his  duties  lOtk  of  Oct.,    1700— Headquarters 
Established  at  Fork  of  the  Ilolston  and  Watauga  Rivers — Visits  the 
Mero  District— On  his  recommendation  John  Sevier  and  James 
Robertson  appointed  Brigadier-Generals— Extracts  from  Ramsey's 
"  History  of  Tennessee  " — Correspondence  with  Governors  of  ad- 
joining States — Negotiations  ivith  the  Indians—The  Chiefs  of  the 
Various  Nations  meet  him  near  Knoxvillc  and  a  treaty  signed  2d  of 
July,  1791,  called  the  Treaty  of  Ilolston,  which  tvas  ratified  in  No- 
vember following  by  the  U.  S.  Senate — 2he  Seat  <f  Government  estab- 
lished at  Knoxvillc,  named  in  honor  of  General  John  Knox,  Secre- 
tary of  War — The  Governor's  IloxpitaUty — His  extensive  negotia- 
tions and  the  respect  he  had  from  all  persons  with  whom  he  came  in 
contact — The  Ordnance  of  17S7 — Slavery — TJie  first  Legislative  As- 
sembly meets  at  Knoxvillc,  August  25, 1794,  and  sat  until  30th  Sep- 
tember— Blount  College  Incorporated — A  guard  of  soldiers  escort 
the  Members  from  the  Mero  District  to  protect  them  from  tJte  Indians. 
— Steps  taken  June  29, 1795, /o/*  admission  of  Territory  as  a  State — 
Enumeration  Act — Proclamation  calling  Convention  at  Knoxvillc, 
11th  January,  179G,  and  Gov.  Blount  Elected  one  of  the  Members, 
and  on  Electing  of  Convention,  was  unanimously  Elected  President — 
Charles  McClung,  Gen.  James  White,  Gen.  Andrew  Jackson,  Gen. 
James  Robertson,  and  Archibald  Roane  also  Members — The  first 
Constitution  of  the  State  adopted,  which  stood  unchanged  for  thirty- 
years. 

We  now  return  to  the  narrative  ;  Governor  Blount  readied  tlia 
theatre  of  his  new  duties  on  the  10th  of  October,  1790,  and  estab- 
lished his  headquarters  at  the  house  of  William  Cobb,  on  the  fork 
of  the  Ilolston  and  Watauga.  Here  he  organized  his  government 
and  proceeded  to  appoint  officers,  civil  and  military,  for  the  east- 
ern portion  of  the  Territory.  Having  jjut  all  things  in  order,  he 
set  out  on  the  27th  of  November  following  for  the  District  of  Mero, 
then  composed  of  Davidson,  Sunnier  and  Tennessee  Counties. 

He  could  not  commission  officers  of  the  rank  of  Brigadier-Gen- 
eral, but  on  his  recommendation  the  President  issued  commissions 


12  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

for  these  officers  to  John  Sevier  and  James  Robertson.  In  this 
visit  to  the  remote  settlements  he  became  acquainted  with  the 
people  and  their  condition,  and  inspired  tliem  with  confidence  in 
his  devotion  to  their  interests. 

From  thenceforward  he  was  indefatigal)k'  in  the  discharjie  of 
the  varied  and  responsible  obligations  of  his  position.  The 
double  duties  of  Governor  and  Superintendent  of  Indian  A  Hairs 
were  performed  with  an  ability  of  the  highest  order. 

We  quote  again  from  the  historian,  Ramsey  : 

"  Some  judgment  may  be  formed  of  the  difficult,  responsible 
and  delicate  duties  which  the  tvv'o  offices  devolved  on  the  Gov- 
ernor, by  a  l)rief  reference  to  the  ])osture  of  affairs  when  he  re- 
ceived his  appointments.         -'^         '''  *  '•'  ''^  '■' 

"To  reconcile  all  these  animosities  between  savages,  and  to  pro- 
tect the  Territory  from  their  injurious  effects,  required  frequent 
conferences  and  correspondence  imposing  a  Herculean  labor  upon 
]\Ir.  Blount.  His  correspondence  with  Governors  of  adjoining 
States,  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  with  the  authorities  of 
Spain,  is  extensive  and  minute.         *         *         -^  *  * 

"  To  keep  the  Indian  tribes  quiet,  to  conciliate  their  friendship 
to  the  United  States,  to  save  the  Territory  from  invasion  and  to 
neutralize  and  prevent  foreign  influence,  and  at  the  same  time 
not  to  jeopard  negotiations  then  pending,  required  a  high  degree 
of  administrative  capacity  and  diplomatic  talent.  In  these  ardu- 
ous duties  he  was  aided  Ijy  his  two  private  secretaries,  the  late 
Gov.  Willie  Blount  and  the  late  Honorable  Hugh  Lawson  White." 

The  question  of  boundary  with  the  Cherokees,  and  the  ill  blood 
which  grew  out  of  it,  demanded  the  early  attention  of  tlic  Go\-- 
ernor.  He  prevailed  upon  them  to  meet  him  with  their  chieftains 
and  head  warriors,  on  his  own  grounds  and  around  his  residence, 
near  the  embryo  village  of  Knoxville.  Twelve  hundred  other  In- 
dians, it  is  said,  were  in  attendance.  Here  a  treaty  was  signed  on 
the  2d  of  July,  1701,  called  the  treaty  of  Holston,  which  was  rati- 
fied l)y  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  November  following. 

Tlie  Governor  had  established  the  scat  of  Government  at  Knox- 
ville before  there  was  any  town  there,  and  named  it  in  honor  ot 
General  Knox,  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  lots  were  laid  out  for 
public  sale  until  February,  1702.  It  was  soon  resorted  to  by  emi- 
grants, among  whom  Avere  quite  a  number  of  men  of  education 
and  refinement,  with  their  families.  Knoxville  throughout  his 
administration  was  noted  for  intelligence  and  a  high  tone  of  rciine- 
ment  and  moral  it  v. 


LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     15LOUNT.  13 

The  niansiou  uf  the  Governor,  presided  over  l)y  liis  accomplislicd 
wife,  was  the  home  ol' an  elegant  hosi)itality.  J u  his  intercourse 
with  his  own  oflicers,  with  Federal  ollicials,  with  the  Executives 
of  the  adjacent  States,  with  tlio  Spanish  Governors,  and  with  the 
treacherous  savages,  he  coiuinanilcd  univt'rsal  respect.  Clothed 
with  large  prerogatives,  lie  prepared  and  i)roimdgated  his  own 
laws,  which  were  entitled  "  I'.y  William  I'.l.niul.  ( !(>\ .  riiur  in  ;uid 
over  the  Territory." 

His  time  was  much  engrossed  with  IncHan  agencies,  with  the 
manifold  civil  and  military  duties  connected  with  his  olliee.  and 
in  preparing  the  Territory  for  self-government.  Cnder  the  fam- 
ous '"  Ordinance  of  1787  "  which  was  made  generally  applicaldc  to 
this  Territory,  (except  as  to  slavery,  which  hy  the  very  terms  of 
the  Cession  Act  the  I'ederal  Government  hound  itself  never  to  dis- 
turb,) the  TiTritory  was  entitle<l  to  a  hegislative  .\ssend)ly  when  it 
should  contain  live  thousand  free  male  inhahitants.  The  Ciov- 
ernor  being  satisfied  that  there  was  the  reijuisite  number,  orderetl 
an  election  for  members.  This  l)ody  niet  in  Kno.xville,  August 
2'),  1794,  and  sat  until  the  30th  of  September.  At  this  session  was 
incorporated  Blount  College  at  Knoxville,  named  in  honor  of  the 
( rovernor,  and  which  is  now  l^^ast  Tennessee  University.  Such 
was  the  danger  from  the  Indians  that  the  Governor,  at  the  re- 
(piest  of  the  members  from  j\Iero  District,  ordered  a  guard  of  sol- 
diers to  escort  them  home. 

In  spite  of  all  adverse  circumstances  the  population  muler  his 
fostering  care  and  wise  counsels  had  so  increased,  that  under  his 
l»roclamation  the  Legislature  was  assembled  on  tlu^  29th  of  June,' 
179"),  to  take  steps  for  the  admission  oi'  the  T(  rritory  into  the 
Union  as  a  State.  An  Act  was  ])asscd  on  the  11th  of  July  Ibr  an 
enumeration  of  the  inhal)itants,  and  if  they  should  l>e  found  to  be 
sixty  thousand,  then  the  Governor  to  issue  a  rei-ouuaendation  for 
the  eleeiidii  of  delegates  to  meet  at  Knoxville  to  form  a  State  Con- 
stitution. Tlie  full  number  being  found,  the  proclamation  was 
duly  issued,  and  the  delegates  met  at  Knoxville  on  the  11th  of 
.lanuary,  1790.  Mr.  Blount  himself  was  elected  one  of  the  mem- 
bers, and  when  the  convention  met,  was  unanimously  chosen  its 
President.  Among  the  members  were  Charles  ^IcClung,  fJeneral 
.lames  "White,  Andrew  Jackson,  General  James  liobcrtson,  and 
Archiljald  Koane,  besides  many  others  eminent  for  wisdom  and 
patriot'lsni.  The  first  of  their  labors  was  a  con>t^titutioii.  wiiich 
stood  unchanged  for  thirty-eiglit  years. 


CHAPTER  HI. 

John  Sevier  elected  Governor — Electing  of  General  Assembly  2Sth  of 
March,  1796 — William  Blount  and  William  Cocke  xmanimoushj 
elected  U.  S.  Senators — Meeting  of  General  Assembly  again  July 
30,  1796,  and  re-election  of  Blount  and  Cocke  2d  of  August,  under 
decision  of  Congress  that  former  election  was  premature — Willie 
Blount  elected  Supreme  Court  Judge — Messrs.  Blount  and  Cocke 
take  their  seats  in  the  Second  Session  of  the  4th  Congress — Andrew 
Jackson  Representative — The  First  Session  of  5th  Congress — Presi- 
dent Adams  on  July  3,  1797,  sends  Confidential  Message  to  Con- 
gress— Copy  of  letter  from  Governor  Blount  to  one  Carey  sub- 
mitted with  Message — Governor  Blount  absent  at  the  time,  but 
afterwards  comes  into  the  Senate — Questions  about  the  Letter  in 
open  Senate — Jlis  reply — Copy  of  the  Carey  Letter. 

At  the  election  for  Governor  under  the  Constitution,  Mr.  Blount 
Tvas  not  a  candidate,  and  the  clioice  of  the  State  fell  upon  the  pop- 
ular favorite,  John  Sevier.  The  Legislature  met  on  the  28th  of 
March,  1796,  and  at  that  session  William  Blount  and  William 
Cocke  were  unanimously  elected  Senators  in  Congress.  The  Leg- 
islature met  again  on  the  30th  of  July,  1796,  and  Congress  hav- 
ing in  the  meantime  decided  that  tlic  March  election  of  Senators 
was  premature,  because  the  State  had  not  then  been  admitted  into 
the  Union,  Messrs.  Blount  and  Cocke  were  again  elected  on  the  2d 
of  August.  At  this  session  Willie  Blount,  then  only  thirty  years 
of  age,  was  elected  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  second  Session  of  the  Fourth  Congress  oegan  on  December 
5,  1796,  and  ended  March  3, 1797.  Governor  Blount  took  his  seat; 
Mr.  Cocke  was  his  colleague  and  Andrew  Jackson  was  Representa- 
tive in  the  lower  House. 

On  July  3,  1797,  the  President,  Mr.  Adams,  sent  in  a  confiden- 
tial message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  in  wliicli  he  stated  that 
the  condition  of  the  country  was  critical. 

The  ground  for  this  alarm  seems  to  have  been  a  letter  from  Gov- 
ernor Blount  to  one  Carey,  a  copy  of  wliich  letter  accompanied  the 
President's  message.  Governor  Blount  was  absent  when  the  letter 
was  first  read.  He  afterwards  came  into  the  chamber,  and  on  motion 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT.  15 

the  copy  of  the  letter  was  again  read,  and  Governor  Blount  was 
requested  to  declare  if  he  had  written  it.  lie  replied  that  he  had 
written  a  letter  to  Carey,  hut  was  unahlc  to  say  whether  the  copy 
was  a  correct  one  or  not,  without  recurrence  to  his  papers;  and  he 
desired  to  have  until  the  next  day  to  answer.  Whcrc'U])()U  it  was 
ordi'fcd  that  the  message  and  papers  lie  for  consideration. 

The  letter  to  Carey  reads  as  iblK)ws,  vi/ : 

''CoL.  King's  Iron  Works, 

'' April  2\,  1797. 
"  Dear  Carey: 

"  I  wished  to  have  seen  you  l)efore  I  returned  to  Philadelphia, 
hut  I  am  obliged  to  return  to  the  session  of  Congress  which  com- 
mences on  the  loth  of  May. 

"'Among  other  things  that  I  wished  to  liave  soon  yiMi  ahout  was 
the  business  Captain  Chisholiu  moiitiouod  lo  t!ir  Ihitish  .Minister 
last  winter  at  Philadelphia. 

'•  I  believe,  but  am  not  quite  sur(\  that  the  plan  tlion  t  ilkod  of 
will  be  attempted  this  fall,  and  if  it  is  attempted,  it  will  he  in  a 
much  larger  wa}^  than  then  talked  of,  and  if  the  Indians  act  their 
part,  I  have  no  doubt  but  it  will  succeed.  A  man  of  conse- 
quence has  gone  to  England  about  the  business  ;  and  if  he  makes 
arrangements,  I  shall  myself  have  a  hand  in  the  business,  and  shall 
]>robably  be  at  the  head  of  the  business  on  the  part  of  the  British. 

You  are,  however,  to  understand  that  it  is  not  yet  quite  certain 
that  the  plan  will  be  attempted,  and  to  do  so  will  require  ;dl  your 
management.  I  say  will  require  all  your  management,  because 
you  must  take  care  in  wliatever  you  say  to  Rogers  or  anybody 
else,  not  to  let  the  plan  be  discovered  ])y  Hawkins,  Dinsmoor, 
Byers  or  an}^  other  person  in  the  interest  of  the  United  States  or 
of  Spain. 

"If  I  attempt  this  ])lan,  I  shall  expect  to  have  you  and  all  niy 
Indian  friends  with  me,  but  you  are  now  in  good  business  I 
hope,  and  you  are  not  to  risk  the  loss  of  it  by  saying  anything 
that  will  hurt  you  until  you  again  hear  from  me.  "Where  Captain 
Chisholm  is  I  do  not  know.  I  left  home  in  Phil.idelphia  in 
March,  and  Kc  frequently  visited  the  ]\Iinister  and  spoke  about  the 
'iubject;  but  I  believe  he  will  go  into  the  Creek  Nation  by  way  of 
South  Carolina  or  Georgia.  lie  gave  out  that  he  was  going  to 
England,  but  I  do  not  believe  him.  Among  things  that  you  may 
safely  do,  will  be  to  keep  up  my  consequence  witli  Watts  and  the 
Creeks  and  Cherokecs  generally  ;  and  you  must  l)y  no  means  say 
nnvthing  in  favor  of  Hawkins,  but  as  often  as  vou  can  with  safetv 


IG  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

to  yourself,  you  may  teach  the  Creeks  to  believe  he  is  no  better 
than  he  should  be.  Any  power  or  consequence  he  gets  will  be 
against  our  plan.  Perhaps  Rogers,  who  has  no  office  to  lose,  is 
tlie  best  man  to  give  out  talks  againgt  Hawkins.  Read  the  letter 
to  Rogers,  and  if  you  think  it  best  to  send  it,  put  a  wafer  in  it  and 
forward  it  to  him  by  a  safe  hand  ;  or  perhaps,  you  had  best  send 
for  him  to  come  to  you,  and  speak  to  him  yourself  respecting  the 
state  and  prospect  of  things. 

"I  have  advised  you  in  whatever  you  do  to  take  care  of  yourself 
I  have  now  to  tell  you  to  take  care  of  me  too,  for  a  discovery  of 
the  plan  would  prevent  the  success  and  much  injure  all  parties 
concerned.  It  may  be  that  the  Commissioners  may  not  run  tlie 
line  as  the  Indians  expect  or  wish,  and  in  that  case  it  is  i:)robable 
the  Indians  may  be  taught  to  blame  me  for  making  the  treaty. 

"To  such  complaints  against  me,  if  such  there  be,  it  may  ])v  said 
by  my  fi'iends,  at  proper  times  and  jDlaces,  that  Doul)lehead  con- 
firmed the  treaty  with  the  President  at  Philadelphia,  and  received 
as  much  as  five  thousand  dollars  a  year  to  l)c  ])aid  to  llio  Nation 
over  and  above  the  first  price;  indeed  it  may  with  truth  \)v  said 
that  though  I  made  the  treatv,  that  I  made  it  l)y  the  instructions 
of  the  President,  and  in  fact,  it  may  with  truth  be  said  that  I  was' 
by  the  President  instructed  to  purchase  much  more  land  than  the 
Indians  would  agree  to  sell.  This  sort  of  talk  will  ]:)e  throwing  all 
the  blame  off  me  upon  the  late  President,  and  as  he  is  now  out  of 
office,  it  will  be  of  no  consequence  how  much  the  Indians  l)lame 
him.  And  among  other  things  that  may  be  said  for  iiu>.  is  tliat  I 
was  not  at  the  running  of  the  line,  and  that  if  1  had  been,  it 
would  have  been  more  to  their  satisfaction.  In  short,  you  under- 
stand the  subject,  and  must  take  care  to  give  out  the  proper  talks 
to  keep  my  consequence  with  tlie  Creeks  and  Cherokees.  Can't 
Rogers  contrive  to  get  the  Creeks  to  desire  the  President  to  take 
Hawkins  out  of  the  Nation  ?  for  if  he  stays  in  {\iv  Creek  Nation, 
and  gets  the  good  Avill  of  the  Nation,  he  can  and  will  do  great 
injury  to  our  plan. 

"When  3^ou  have  read  this  letter  over  three  times,  then  bui'u  it. 
I  shall  be  in  Knoxville  in  -luly  or  August,  when  I  will  si'nd   tor 
Watts  and  give  him  the  whiskey  I  promised  him. 
"  I  am,  &c, 

'•  \VM.    r.LolXT." 

The  jirececding  letter  was  enclosed  in  a  cover,  witli  the  I'ollow- 
directions,  viz:     "  Mr.  James  Carev,  TeUieo  IMock  House."" 


OHAPTEU  IV. 

Mr.  Cudc  lays  before  the  Senate  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Blount— liesolutiona 
of  the  Senate  on  Presentation  of  this  Letter — Report  of  Mr.  Boss — 
Mr.  Blount  Ordered  by  the  Vice-President  to  attend  the  Senate — 
Removal  of  Injunction  of  Secretary — Farther  Report  of  Mr.  Ross — 
Mr.  Blount  reads  a  Resolution — Mr.  Blount  allowed  Counsel — He 
names  as  kis  counsel  Messrs.  Jarcd  Ingersollf  and  Alexander  G. 
Dallas — Mr.  Blount  Declinej  to  Ansiver  to  the  Authorship  of  the 
Carey  Letter — Message  from  the  House  of  Representatives — 
Mr.  Blount  enters  into  recognizance  for  his  appearance  icith  tu-o 
sureties,  namely  Thomas  Blount  and  Pierce  Butler. 

On  July  4tli,  Mr.  Cocke,  Senator  from  Tennessee,  laid  before  the 
Senate  a  letter  from  INIr.  Blount,  stating  that  it  was  neeessary  for 
him  (Blount)  to  have  furtlier  time  for  recurrence  to  his  papers 
and  other  evidence  to  remove  suspicions. 

"Whereujion  it  was 

"  Resolved,  That  so  much  of  the  Message  from  the  President  of 
the  United  States  of  the  third  instant,  and  the  papers  accompany- 
ing the  same,  as  relates  to  a  letter  purj^orting  to  have  been  written 
hy  William  Blount,  a  Senator  from  Tennessee,  l^c  referred  to  a 
select  Committee,  to  consider  and  report  what,  in  their  opinion,  it 
is  proper  for  the  Senate  to  do  thereon ;  and  that  the  said  Com- 
mittee have  power  to  send  for  persons,  papers,  and  records,  relat- 
ing to  the  subject  committed  to  them,  and  that  Messrs.  Ross, 
Stockton,  Henry,  Sedgwick,  and  Read  be  the  Committee." 

And  it  was 

"  Ordered,  That  the  Senate  be,  for  the  i)rcseut,  under  tlie  in- 
junction of  secrecy  on  the  papers  referred  to  in  the  al)Ove-n)en- 
tioned  Message." 

On  July  oth,  Mr.  Ross,  from  the  Conniiittce,  made  a  report  and 
the  report  Avas  read.  On  the  same  day  Mr.  Blount  was  ordered 
by  the  Vice-President  to  attend  the  Senate  in  liis  place  without 
delay.  It  was  also  ordered  that  the  injunction  of  secrecy  respect- 
ing the  Message  and  papers  be  removed. 

On  July  7th  Mr.  Ross  made  a  further  report.  AA  lureupon  Mr. 
Blount  read  in  his  place  a  declaration,  purporting  tiiat  lie  should 
attend  in  his  own  seat,  from  time  to  time,  to  answer  to  any  allega- 
tions that  may  be  brought  against  him.  On  motion  of  Mr.  Blount 
that  he  be  heard  by  counsel,  not  exceeding  two,  it  was  ordered 


18  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

that  tlie  motion  be  allowed,  and  that  Mr.  Blount  be  furnished 
with  copies  of  sucli  papers  as  he  might  desire. 

On  July  7th,  agreeably  to  the  order  of  the  day,  the  Senate  pro- 
ceeded to  the  consideration  of  the  report  of  the  Committee.  Mr, 
Blount  also  notified  the  Senate  that  Jared  IngersoU  and  Alex- 
ander J.  Dallas  were  the  counsel  he  had  employed. 

The  President  then  requested  Mr.  Blount  to  declare  whether  or 
not  he  was  the  author  of  a  letter,  a  cop}^  of  which  was  commu- 
nicated on  third  instant. 

Mr.  Blount  declined  to  answer. 

After  debate  it  was  agreed  that  the  question  before  the  Senate 
be  postponed  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  a  special  message  from 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Hereupon  the  following  message 
was  received  from  the  liouse  by  Mr.  Sitgreaves,  one  of  its  mem- 
bers, viz: 

"ilf?-.  President,  I  am  commanded  in  the  name  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to 
impeach  William  Blount,  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  of  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors ;  and  to  acquaint  the  Senate  that  the 
House  of  Representatives  will,  in  due  time,  exhibit  particular 
articles  against  him  and  make  good  the  same. 

"  I  am  further  commanded  to  demand  that  the  said  William 
Blount  be  sequestered  from  his  seat  in  the  Senate ;  and  that  the 
Senate  do  take  order  for  his  appearance  to  answer  tlic  said  im- 
peachment." 

Whereupon  the  Senate  requestered  him  from  his  seat,  and 
ordered  that  he  enter  with  recognizance  in  the  sum  of  twenty 
thousand  dollars  for  himself,  with  two  sufficient  sureties  in  the 
sum  of  lifteen  thousand  dollars  each.  The  condition  of  the  recog- 
nizance was  such  that  "  if  the  said  William  Blount  shall  appear 
before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to  answer  to  certain  charges 
of  impeachment  to  be  exhibited  against  liim  liy  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  and  not  depart  therefrom 
without  leave,  that  then  the  above  recognizance  shall  cease  to 
exist,  otherwise  be  and  remain  in  full  force  and  virtue."' 

The  two  sureties  who  signal  wiih  (lovcriuu-  iJlount  wore 
Thomas  Blount  and  Pierce  Butler. 

On  July  8th,  after  notifying  the  House  of  its  arliou  in  the 
premises,  the  Senate  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of  the  re])ort 
of  the  Coiumittee  to  which  the  charges  against  ]Mr.  Blount  had 
been  referred. 

The  full  report  of  the  Committee  will  be  found  in  Chapter  \'. 


CHAPTER  y. 

Full  Report  of  the  Committee  on  charges  agai ad  Governor  Blount,  and 
Resolution  that  he  had  been  Guilty  of  High  Misdemeanor  and 
recommending  his  Expulsion  from  the  Senate — 2he  Report  Adopted 
by  a  Vote  of-lo  to  1 — Mr.  Tazewell,  of  Va.,  Casting  the  only  Nega- 
tive Vote — Review  of  the  hade  with  which  the  Senate  proceeded, 
and  of  the  Evidence  before  if. 

'"The  L'onnnittce  1<>  wliom  was  referred  that  ]>art  of  the  Presi- 
■dent's  Message  whicli  relates  to  a  letter  purporting  to  have  been 
written  by  William  Blount,  Esq.,  one  of  the  Senators  from  the 
Stiite  of  Tennessee,  together  with  the  papers  accompanying  the 
same,  having  had  the  same  under  their  consideration,  beg  leave 
to  make  a  further  report : 

"  That  Mr.  Blount  having  declined  an  acknowledgement  or  de- 
nial of  the  letter  imputed  to  him,  and  having  fiiiled  to  appear  and 
irivc  any  satisfactory  explanation  respecting  it,  your  Committee 
sent  for  the  original  letter  which  accompanies  this  report,  and  it  is 
in  tlie  following  words,  viz:" 

[Here  follows  the  Carey  letter  above  given.]  The  report  then 
proeeeds  : 

'*  Two  Si'uators  now  present  in  the  Senate  have  declared  to  the 
Committee  that  they  are  well  acquainted  with  the  handwriting  or 
Mr.  Blount,  and  have  no  doubt  that  this  letter  was  written  l)y  him. 
Your  Committee  have  examined  many  letters  from  ]\[r.  Blount  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  a  number  of  which  are  herewith  submitted, 
as  well  as  the  letter  addressed  to  i\Ir.  Cocke,  his  colleague  in  the 
Senate,  and  to  this  Committ(;e,  respecting  the  business  under  cqn- 
sideration ;  and  find  them  all  to  l)e  of  the  same  handwriting  with 
the  letter  in  question.  i\Ir.  Blount  has  never  denied  this  letter, 
but;  on  the  other  hand,  Avhen  the  copy  transmitted  to  the  Senate 
was  read  in  his  presence,  on  the  third  instant,  he  acknowledged 
in  his  place  that  he  had  written  a  letter  to  Carey,  of  Avhich  he  ha<l 
preserved  a  copy,  but  coultl  not  then  decide  whether  the  copy 
read  was  a  true  one.  Your  Committee  are  therefore  fully  jjer- 
euaded  that  the  original  now  produced  was  written  and  sent  to 
Carey  by  Blount.  They  also  find  that  this  man  Carey,  to  whom 
it  was  addressed,  is,  to  the  knowledge  of  Mr.  Blount,  in  the  ^xiy 


20  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

and  employment  of  the  United  States,  as  their  interpreter  to  the 
Cherokee  Nation  of  Indians,  and  an  assistant  in  the  the  public 
factory  at  Tellico  Block  House.  That  Hawkins,  Avho  is  s^  often 
mentioned  in  this  letter  as  a  person  who  must  be  brought  into 
suspicion  among  the  Creeks,  and  if  possible  driven  from  hi& 
station,  is  the  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  United 
States  among  the  Southern  Indians ;  Dinsmoor  is  agent  for  the 
United  States  in  the  Cherokee  Nation ;  and  Byers  one  of  the 
agents  in  the  public  factory  at  Tellico  Block  House. 

"  The  plan  hinted  at  in  this  extraordinary  letter,  to  be  executed 
under  the  auspices  of  the  British,  is  so  capable  of  different  con- 
structions and  conjectures,  that  your  Committee  at  present  forbear 
giving  any  decided  opinion  respecting  it,  except  that  to  Mr. 
Blount's  own  mind,  it  appeared  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  inter- 
ests of  the  United  States  and  of  Spain,  and  he  was  thereby  anxious 
to  conceal  it  from  both.  But,  when  they  consider  his  attempts  to 
seduce  Carey  from  his  duty,  as  a  faithful  interpreter,  and  to  em- 
ploy him  as  an  engine  to  alienate  the  affections  and  confidence  of 
the  Indians  from  the  public  officers  of  the  United  States  residing 
among  them ;  the  measures  he  has  proposed  to  excite  a  temper 
wdiich  must  produce  the  recall  or  expulsion  of  our  Superintendent 
from  the  Creek  Nation;  his  insidious  advice  tending  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  his  own  popularity  and  consequence,  at  the  expense 
and  hazard  of  the  good  opinion  which  the  Indians  entertain  of 
this  Government,  and  of  the  treaties  subsisting  between  us  and 
them,  your  Committee  have  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Blount's  conduct 
has  been  inconsistent  with  his  public  duty,  renders  him  unworthy 
of  a  further  continuance  of  his  present  public  trust  in  this  body, 
and  amounts  to  a  high  misdemeanor.  They,  therefore,  unan- 
imously recommend  to  the  Senate,  an  adoption  of  the  following 
resolution : 

^'Resolved,  That  William  Blount,  Esq.,  one  of  the  Senators  of  the 
United  States,  having  been  guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor,  entirely 
inconsistent  with  his  public  trust  and  duty  as  a  Senator,  be,  and 
he  hereby  is,  expelled  from  the  Senate  of  the  United  States." 

The  report  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  25  to  1 ;  Mr.  Tazewell  of 
Virginia  alone  voting  in  the  negative. 

This  vote  expelling  Governor  Blount  was  taken  July  8th,  live 
days  after  the  attention  of  the  Senate  had  been  called  to  the  mat- 
ter by  Mr.  President  Adams.  There  were  two  sets  of  proceedings 
against  Governor  Blount ;  the  one,  terminating  Avith  his  expulsion 


LIFK   OF    WILLIAM     ULolNr.  21 

from  tlic  Soiuito.  which  lias  just  been  (letaih'il ;  the  oUht  ]>rooecd- 
injT:  was  his  iiupeachineut,  of  this  we  have  yet  tu  speak. 

With  iviiaril  to  Governor  Blount's  expulsion,  there  are  two  facts 
which  especially  attract  attention.  These  are  first,  the  haste  with 
which  the  matter  was  pressed  to  a  conclusion ;  second,  the  over- 
^vhelming  vote  sustaininii  the  report  of  the  Committee.  These 
two  tacts  appearin;^-  upon  the  face  of  the  record  wouhl  naturally 
lead  the  general  reader  to  conclude  without  hesitation  that  Mr. 
lUount  was  a  dangerous  traitor  and  conspirator  and  that  no  time 
Avas  to  be  lost  in  rendering  him  powerless  for  miscliicf 

The  only  remark  that  seems  pertinent  just  in  this  connection  is 
this ;  the  Committee  relied  solely  upon  the  Carey  letter  as  justify- 
ing their  resolution  of  expulsion.  The  Committee,  however,  say 
^-  The  plan  hinted  at,  <tc.,  is  so  capable  of  different  constructions  and 
ionjcrtares,  that  your  Committee  at  present  forbear  giving  any 
decided  opinion  respecting  it."  But  Governor  Blount's  guilt  or 
innocence  depended  precisely  upon  what  this  i>lan  was  !  All  the 
matter  about  Hawkins.  Dinsmoor,  and  Bycrs  is  evidence  of  guilt 
only  on  condition  that  the  "  plan  "  involved  guilt.  And  what  this 
'•plan"  was.  the  Committee  did  not  pretend  to  know.  But  while 
disclaiming  this  knowledge  and  "  forbearing  ■"  in  consequence  to 
express  any  opinion  concerning  it,  they  did  not  I'orbear  to  pro- 
nounce Governor  Blount  guilty.  A  strange  inconsistency  and  one 
that  gives  ground  to  the  suspicion,  expressed  at  the  time,  that  the 
expulsion  resolution  Avas  rushed  through  under  a  panic  created  to 
subserve  some  of  the  political  intrigues  of  the  Adams  adminis- 
tration. 

At  the  period  referred  to,  the  intrigues  of  European  courts  were 
more  familiar  to  our  public  men  than  to  their  successors  of  the 
present  day.  The  United  States  were  then  engaged  in  delicate 
diplomatic  proceedings  with  England,  France,  Spain,  and  also 
with  the  Indian  Nations,  w^liich  required  great  i>rudence  and 
caution.  It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  American  politicians  w'cre 
then  moved  by  the  ordinary  motives  of  interest  and  ambition. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark,  however,  that  "  machine  "  politics  were  yet 
unknown  and  that  railroads,  oil  companies  and  other  monopolies 
had  not  yet  opened  out  their  seductions.  The  higliest  fame  and 
power  was  to  be  acquired  in  the  successful  schemes  of  diplomacy. 
That  secrecy  is  the  prime  condition  of  success  in  such  enterprises 
has  been  w'cll  understood,  at  least  since  the  days  of  Machiavelli, 
and  the  Committee  made  a  long  leap  and  arrived  at  a  conclusion 
totally  illogical  when  they  inferred  Governor  Blount's  guilt  from 


22  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

the  fiict  that  he  wished  his  purpose  (Avhatcver  that  was)  to  be  kept 
concealed  from  the  agents  of  the  United  States  and  of  Spain, 
That  would  be  regarded  as  a  strange  process  of  reasoning  at  the 
present  day  which  would  infer  guilt  from  secrecy  in  political 
aflairs  or  from  the  circumstances  that  a  Senator  should  want  one 
man  who  was  not  his  friend  removed  from  office  to  make  place 
for  a  man  who  was  his  friend.  Governor  Blount  made  no  claim 
to  what  is  known  as  modern  Christian  statesmanship  ;  but  he  did 
claim  to  be  a  man  of  honor  and  to  regulate  his  official  life  by 
those  principles  which  were  accepted  as  honorable  by  the  public 
men  both  of  England  and  America  ;  and  judged  from  these 
standards  and  the  report  of  the  Committee,  the  Carey  letter  was 
very  far  from  being  sufficient  cause  for  his  expulsion. 


CHArTER   VI. 

Gorc-mor  BlounVs  Sureties  Surrender  Jlinu  and  hr  enters  into  a  new 
Reeognizanre — The  Dis-parity  in  the  Anion nt  af  the  tuo  Bonds — 
lie  Forfeit-^  ///.s'  h'rrognizdnee — T/ie  Finilnr  ('(iiisideration  of  the 
Impeach uke id  Pustponed  until  the  2\cxt  Session,  of  Congress — The 
Seaide  Adjourned — The  House  Committee — Mr.  Sltgreetres,  Chair- 
man of  the  Connnittee,  Reports  a  Resolution  of  Inipeachrncnt — ■ 
Opinions  of  the  Attorneij-General,  Mr.  Ranle,  and  Mr.  Lewis — Mr. 
(fallal in  Criticises  their  Opinions — The  Question  of  the  Liability 
of  a  Senator  to  Impeachment — Sequestration  of  Gov.  Blount  on  de- 
mand of  the  House  of  Representative.'^. 

At'ti'i-  tlic  adoittion  of  the-  cxpulsinu  nsoliitioii,  (iovernor 
Blount's  sureties  sunvndcred  liiui  and  were  disehargcd  from  their 
reeognizance.  On  the  same  day,  July  Sth,  agreeably  to  an  order 
of  the  Senate,  Governor  Blount  entered  into  a  recognizance  of  one 
thousand  dollars  for  himself,  with  two  sureties  of  five  hundred 
dollars  each,  to  make  his  ajjpearanec  on  Monday,  July  lOtli  to 
answer  such  articles  of  impeachment  as  miglit  he  ])referred  against 
him  by  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  first  recognizance  was  in  the  sum  of  twenty  thousand  dollars, 
witli  two  sureties  in  the  sum  of  fifteen  thousand  dollars  each. 
The  small  amount  of  the  present  bond  is  significant.  Did  the 
Senate  really  believe  that  Blount  was  the  conspirator  they  had 
declared  him  to  be?  If  so.  they  were  sadly  derelict  in  their  duty 
in  not  re(]uiring  a  ImukI  sudicicnl  lo  i)rovide  against  his  further 
machinations. 

(i(n-ernor  Blount  forfeited  his  recognizance  l)y  not  appearing  on 
tlie  10th  instant;  and  it  was  ordered  that  the  lurther  consideration 
of  the  impeachment  be  ]M)stponed  until  the  next  session  of  Con- 
gress.    The  President  then  adjourned  the  Senate  witliout  a  day. 

The  Message  and  accompanying  papers  sent  in  July  3d,  above 
mentioned,  were  referred  in  the  House  to  a  committee  consisting 
of  Messrs.  Sitgreaves,  Baldwin,  Dana,  Davison,  and  Hindman,  "to 
examine  the  matter  tiiereof,  and  report  the  same,  with  their  opin- 
ion thereupon  to  the  House." 

On  July  6th  Mr.  Sitgreaves  reported  the  following  resolution  : 

"Resolved,  That  William   Blount,  Senator  of  the  United  States 


24  IJF1-:    OF   WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

from  Tennessee,  be  impeached  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors." 

The  same  day  the  Honse  resolved  itseh"  into  a  Committee  of  the 
Whole  on  this  resolution. 

Mr.  Sitgreaves  said  the  President  had  taken  the  opiniou  of  the 
Attorney-General,  Mr.  Rawle,  and  Mr.  Lewis  upon  the  Carey 
letter,  and  that  these  gentlemen  concurred  in  tlirce  points,  viz: 

1.     Tliat  tlie  letter  is  evidence  of  crime. 
.  2.     Tliat  tlie  crime  was  of  the  denomination  of  a  misdemeanor. 

o.  That  William  Blount  being  a  Senator  is  liable  to  impeach- 
ment for  the  said  crime  before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  Gallatin  criticised  pretty  sharply  tliese  opinions  and  also 
the  course  of  the  President.     He  said  : 

"  He  thouglit  the  answer  of  these  legal  gentlemen  very  curious  ; 
viz :  that  this  letter  was  evidence  of  crime  ;  that  this  crime  was  a 
misdemeanor;  and  that  it  was  liable  to  impeachment."  When  the 
President  asked  advice,  Avhat  he  should  do,  the  answer  seemed  to 
be  a  direction  to  tluit  House  what  they  should  do  ;  and  this  was 
advice  unasked." 

There  was  considerable  discussion  and  a  variety  of  opinion 
among  members,  both  on  the  question  whether  a  Senator  is  liable 
to  impeachment  at  all,  and  on  the  further  question  as  the  proper 
mode  of  proceeding  if  he  should  be  liable.  Such  proceedings, 
however,  were  had  as  resulted  in  the  message  of  the  Plouse  to  the 
Senate,  above  given.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  in  this  message 
the  House  demanded  the  sequestration  of  Governor  Blount  and  that 
the  Senate  sequestered  him,  witliout  protest  to  the  demand. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  Appoint  a  CommiUee  to 
Prepare  Articles  of  Impeachment — Assembly  of  the  Second  Session 
of  tlie  Fifth  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  Nov.  13,  1707 — Mr.  Ander- 
son Appointed  Senator  from  Tennessee  in  place  of  Mr.  Blount — 
Mr.  Sit<jreaves  Presents  his  Report  o a  Dec.  4lh — Captain  William 
Eaton. 

On  July  8th  the  House — 

Rcsolccd,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  and  report 
articles  of  impeachment  against  William  Blount,  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  impeached  by  this  House  of  liigh  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanors, and  that  the  said  committee  have  power  to  send  for 
persons,  papers,  and  records. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Sitgreaves,  Mr.  Baldwin,  Mr.  Dana,  Mr.  Daw- 
son, and  Mr.  Harper  be  a  committee  pursuant  to  said  resolution 

On  July  10th  it  was  by  the  House — 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  appointed  to  prepare  and  report 
Articles  of  Impeachment  against  William  Blount,  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  impeached  by  this  House  of  high  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanors, be  authorized  to  sit  during  the  recess  of  Congress. 

Resolved,  That  the  said  Committee  be  instructed  to  inquire  and, 
by  all  lawful  means,  to  discover  the  whole  nature  and  extent  of 
the.  offense  whereof  the  said  William  Blount  stands  impeached, 
and  who  arc  the  parties  and  associates  therein. 

Ordered,  Tliat  Mr,  D.ma  be  excused  from  serving  on  the  Com- 
mittee appointed  to  prepare  and  report  Articles  of  Impeachment 
against  William  Blount,  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
Mr.  Bayard  be  of  the  same  Committee  in  his  stead. 

The  second  session  of  the  Fifth  Congress  assembled  at  Philadel- 
phia Xov.  lo,  1797.  Mr.  Anderson  had  been  appointed  from 
Tennessee  to  fill  Governor  Blount's  unexpired  term. 

On  Doccmbcr  4  Mr.  Sitgreaves,  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, gave  notice  that  he  was  prepared  to  make  a  report  from  the 
Committee  appointed  at  the  last  session  to  sit  during  the  recess 
for  the  purpose  of  collecting  evidence  and  substantiating  charges 
against  Senator  Blount. 

The  injunction  of  se(  recy  was  removed,  and  Mr.  Sitgreaves  pre- 


26  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

sented  the  report  to  the  Clerk  to  be  read.  It  is  a  voluminous  doc- 
ument, occupying  fifty  pages  in  the ''Annals  of  Congress,"  as  given 
in  the  Appendix.  It  embraces  papers  contained  in  a  trunk  of 
Governor  Blount's,  seized  by  order  of  Congress  ;  a  large  number 
of  letters  to  and  from  Governor  Blount ;  a  numl)er  of  depositions 
and  othei'  matter.  These  papers  arc  all  indexed  and  referred  to 
in  letters,  figures,  and  double  letters.  As  t'ue  renoi-t  ennsists  prin- 
cipally of  a  reference  to  these  papers  and  is  unintelligible  without 
a  knowledge  of  their  contents,  these  papers  will  be  considered  first. 

"We  note  briefly  the  contents  of  these  papers  seriatim.  The  more 
important  of  them  will  be  given  in  full. 

Captain  William  Eaton  was  tlie  officer  charged  with  executing 
the  process  of  the  House. 


CHAPTER   Ylll. 

2he  Testimony — Captain  Eaton — LcKcr  of  Mr.  Piclceriny,  Secretary  of 
State — Letter  from  Mr.  Pickering  to  Captain  Eaton— Letter  from 
Captain  Eaton  to  Mr.  Sitgreaves — Letter  Jrom  Mr.  Harrison  to 
Mr.  Pickering — Certificate  of  Mr.  Sitgreaces — Orders  of  House 
Committee  to  Major  Thomas  Lewis  to  arrest  Major  James  White,  of 
Tennessee — Summons  for  John  Rogers  and  James  Carey — Sit- 
greaves and  Rogers — IjCtter  from  Mc Henry  to  Carey,  and  also  to 
Colonel  David  Henly,  Agent  of  the  War  Department  at  Knoxvillc — 
Order  frr  arrest  of  James  Grant — Report  of  Lewis  to  the  Committee 
— Report  of  David  Henly  to  the  Secretary  of  War— Report  of  Haw- 
kins to  the  Secretary  of  War — Comment.^  on  putting  the  examina- 
tion of  Carey  m  the  hands  of  an  enemy  of  Governor  Blount. 

Doc.  A,  commands  Captain  Eaton  to  arrest  Nicholas  Romayno, 
of  New  York,  practitioner  of  medicine,  and  seize  his  papers. 

Doc.  B,  instructs  Captain  Eaton  to  confer  with  Mr.  Harrison,  or, 
in  liis  absence,  some  other  person  "as  he  may  be  addressed  to." 

Doc.  C,  is  a  letter  from  ]\Ir.  Pickerin;^,  Secretary  of  State,  to 
Captain  Eaton,  stating  that  tlierc  is  presumptive  evidence  against 
Romayne  of  his  being  connected  witli  William  Blount  in  a  con- 
spiracy, and  instructing  him  to  apply  to  Richard  Harrison,  Esq., 
attorney  for  the  District  of  New  York,  or,  in  liis  absence,  to  Josiah 
Ogden  Hoflman,  Esq.,  Attorney-General  of  that  State,  and  to  do 
what  they,  or  cither  of  them,  may  direct.  In  the  event  that  he  is 
not  able  to  see  either  of  these  gentlemen  lie  is  instructed  to  take 
the  advice  of  Colonel  Hamilton  or  Governor  Jay. 

Doc.  D,  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  Pickering  introdu*  ing  Captain 
Eaton  to  Harrison  and  ITudninn.  and  asking  them  to  give  him 
assistance. 

Doc.  E,  is  a  letter  n-om  Eaton  to  Chairman  Sitgreaves,  stating 
that  he  had  arrested  Romayne  and  seized  some  of  his  papers  : 
that  Romayne  appeared  to  be  expecting  a  search  ;  that  he  was 
much  confused  on  the  discovery  of  a  letter  to  him  from  Mr.  Tjis- 
ton,  the  British  Minister.  Eaton  thought  some  recent  ami  iiniK»r- 
tant  letters  had  been  destroyed. 

Doc.  E,  is  a  letter  from  Harrison  to  Pickering.  Harrison  had 
gone  with  Eaton  to  Romayne's  house  and  assisted  at  the  seizure 


28  LIFE    OF   UILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

of  his  papers.  He  Joes  not  seem  to  think  there  is  much  in  Ro- 
mayne's  papers,  for  he  says :  "  I  sincerely  wish  that  measures  had 
been  taken  with  regard  to  this  business  before  the  publicity  of  tlie 
proceedings  against  Governor  Blount  had  excited  alarm.  It  is 
probable  that  more  important  discoveries  might  then  have  been 
made.  I  still  hope  that  they  may  result  ft'om  a  personal  exami- 
nation of  the  prisoner,  though  I  do  not  believe  it  is  to  be  ex- 
pected." 

Doc.  F,  is  a  certificate  from  Chairman  Sitgreaves  that  Romayne 
having  been  examined  and  given  bond  for  his  appearance  at  the 
impeachment  trial,  is  discharged. 

Doc.  G,  is  an  order  from  the  House  Committee  to  Major  Thomas 
Lewis  to  arrest  Major  James  White,  of  Tennessee,  and  seize  his 
papers. 

Doc.  H,  is  a  summons  for  John  Rogers,  resident  in  the  Cherokee 
Nation,  to  appear  before  the  committee  to  testify  in  the  matter 
and  to  bring  what  papers  he  had  in  his  possession  relating  thereto. 

Doc.  I,  is  a  summons  from  the  Committee  to  James  Carey  to 
the  same  effect. 

Doc.  K,  is  a  personal  request  from  Sitgreaves  to  Rogers  (offi- 
cially summoned  in  Doc.  H)  to  comply  with  the  summons. 

Doc.  L,  appears  to  be  a  request  of  the  same  nature  from  James 
McHenry,  Secretary  of  War,  to  the  same  party. 

Doc.  M,  is  a  letter  from  McHenry  to  James  Carey,  directing  hiin 
to  respect  the  summons  of  the  Committee. 

Doc.  N,  is  a  letter  from  McHenry  to  Colonel  David  Henly,  agent 
of  the  War  Department  at  Knoxville,  directing  him  to  give  all 
the  aid  in  his  power  to  sec  the  processes  of  the  Committee  exe- 
cuted in  Tennessee. 

Doc.  0,  is  an  order  from  tlie  Committee  to  Lewis  to  proceed  to 
Knoxville  and  arrest  James  Grant  and  seize  his  papers. 

Doc.  P,  i^]  a  report  from  Lewis  to  the  Committee,  stating  that  he 
had  arrived  at  Germ-mtown,  September  25,  1707,  witli  Grant  and 
Carey. 

Doc.  Q,  is  a  report  from  David  Henly  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
stating  general  progress. 

Doc.  R,  is  a  report  from  Hawkins  to  the  Secretary  of  ^\'ar. 
Hawkins  had  examined  Carey.     He  writes  : 

"  When  I  first  examined  Carey,  I  did  it  alone ;  he  Avas  much 
alarmed.  I  assured  him  all  I  wanted  was  the  truth,  and  that  if 
he  was  faithful  to  the  Government  he  had  nothing  to  fear,  and  the 
proof  I  required  of  his  fidelity  was  a  disclosure  of  all  he  knew 


LTIE    or    WILLIAM     IJLUl'NT.  20 

ivhitivo  to  the  contents  of  the  letter,  and  that  no  part  of  his  nar- 
riitivc  should  militate  against  himself,  or  allect  his  present  stand- 
ing with  the  Government,  lie  communicated  to  me  all  that  he 
paid  he  knew.  I  replied  that  as  I  was  not  satisfied  with  his  exam- 
ination, that  I  gave  him  until  the  next  day  to  recollect  himself, 
and  then  I  would  examine  him  again.  This  I  did  as  detailed  to 
you.  Notwithstanding  the  answers  of  Carey  do  not  correspond 
with  the  expectations  which  naturally  arise  from  reading  the  let- 
ter, I  am  inclined  to  think  they  arc  substantially  true. 

The  impropriety  of  putting  the  examination  of  Carey  into  the 
hands  of  an  enemy  of  Governor  Blount,  and  of  allowing  that 
enemy  to  conduct  the  examination  alone,  and  to  offer  pardon  and 
amnesty  to  the  witness,  is  apparent  to  everyone.  That  Hawkins 
was  an  eager  prosecutor  is  evident  from  his  metliod  with  Carey,  as 
above  stated  by  himself;  that  he  was  a  good  hater  of  Governor 
Blount  is  evinced  from  the  voluntary  observations  which  he 
makes,  and  with  which  lie  winds  up  his  report.     He  concludes  : 

"  That  a  man  who  has  acted  in  so  high  offices  as  the  writer  of 
the  letter  (Blount)  has  done,  should  so  commit  himself,  must  be 
attributed  to  a  long  series  of  base  conduct,  Avhicli  seems  to  have 
bouyed  him  and  his  followers  above  shame.  For  a  general  idea 
into  his  conduct  you  have  only  to  inspect  into  the  records  of  your 
own  office." 


CHAPTEll  IX. 

<Jontinuation  of  the  Testimony — Order  of  Sitgreaves  for  Arred  of  Mr. 
Mitchell — Letter  from  Sitgreaves  to  Mitchell — Denial  of  charge  hy 
Eaton — Letter  from  Committee  to  Eaton,  and  Eaton's  Statement 
under  Oath — Letter  from  Dr.  X.  liomayne  to  Governor  Blount. 

Doc.  S,  is  an  order  from  Sitgreaves  to  LcAvis  to  arrest  a  Mr. 
Mitchell,  of  Tennessee.  The  letter  containing  this  order  says  that 
Mitchell  made  an  important  communication  to  the  Spanish  Min- 
ister, D'Yrujo,  that  he,  Mitchell,  had  received  a  letter  from  Chris- 
holm.     Lewis  is  instructed  to  advise  with  Henly  or  Hawkins. 

Doc.  T,  is  a  letter  from  Sitgreaves  to  Eaton,  informing  him  that 
one  John  Phillips  Ripley  had  been  before  the  Committee  and 
charged  him,  Eaton,  with  withholding  information. 

Doc.  U,  is  a  denial  of  the  charge  by  Eaton. 

Doc.  V,  is  a  letter  from  the  Committee  to  Eaton,  stating  that 
one  Thomas  Odiorne  had  also  appeared  before  the  Committee  and 
generally  corroborated  Ripley's  statement. 

The  statements  of  Ripley  and  Odiorne  had  been  made  under 
oath,  and  the  Committee  instructed  Eaton  to  make  his  statement 
under  oath.     He  did  so,  and  added  the  following  letter,  marked  : 

Doc.  ^y.  Springfield,  Sept.  6,  1797. 

Sir  :  I  am  this  morning  honored  with  your  letter  of  the  1st 
inst.;  mine  of  the  29th  contains  my  answer  to  Mr.  Ripley's  depo- 
sition, but  as  it  cannot  be  admitted  as  evidence,  I  unite  my  oath 
to  the  statement  herewith  enclosed.  I  felt  astonished  at  the  in- 
consistency of  the  letter  signed  "  Rol)ert  Liston,"  found  among 
Romayne's  papers,  with  the  explanation  of  the  British  Minister 
on  the  subject  of  the  conspiracy  presented  in  a  billet  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  State.  The  letter  made  the  same  impression  on  Messrs. 
Harrison,  Giles,  and  Benlu'idgc,  and,  if  I  discerned  accurately,  tlic 
Committee  were  not  otherwise  imjiressed.  My  letter  to  Mr.  Hodg- 
don  on  this  subject  is  expressive  of  my  feelings.  That  letter  I 
read  to  Ripley  and  Odiorne,  the  former  of  whom  had  been  a  lau- 
didate  for  an  ICxecutive  appointment  under  Government,  and  lolil 
me  had  experienced  the  friendship  of  ]Mr.  Pickering ;  the  latter 
was  soliciting  a  place  in  some  public  office — both  professedly 
friends  to  the  Executive  measures,  and  both  had  jtlighted  their 
faith  and  honor  to  keep  my  confidence.     I  am  informed  by  my 


I.IFK    OK    WII.I.IAM      lU.OlNT.  31 

frinul  llyiTs,  tluit  both,  in  violation  of  tiiat  laitli  and  honor,  an-l 
ol"  truth  also,  liavo  since  agj>ravatc'<l  this  infoiniatiou  to  tiu'  Span- 
ish ^linistiT.  1  knew  the  younu  nun  in  cinliarrassed  eireuni- 
stanees.  hiit  liclieved  their  honesty  iniprej^nahle.  Feelinjjj  i'ur  the 
disappoinlinenl  ot"  Ui|il(y  ( I'oi-  he  had  lornied  sanj^uine  exj)ccta- 
tions)  in  not  obtaining  the  eonsulship  at  Tiipoli.  1  re(|uested  that 
]ie  Would  accept  a  room  and  lodgings  in  niy  house,  and  the  use  of 
my  library,  to  (jualify  hiniselt"  for  the  practice  of  the  law  with  ar, 
attorney  who  lives  near  nu'.  and  that  he  would  use  niy  name  to 
obtain  such  credit  as  would  be  necessary  in  the  }jrosecution  of  his 
studies,  till  the  avails  of  business  would  enable  him  to  refund  his 
expenses.  He  did,  with  seeming  gratitude,  aecijit  the  oiler,  but 
has  since  passed  through  my  neighborhood,  1  am  told,  without 
calling  on  me.  1  can  no  other  way  account  for  this  neglect  than 
by  a  conjecture  that  iik.vdv  money  has  diverted  him  from  his  ri'S- 
olutit)ns,  and  this,  indeed,  is  uncharitable;  Mr.  Odiornc  has  at 
least  been  a  s]>ectator  in  all  these  transactions,  and  has  not  less 
experienced  my  friendshiii.  I  would  not,  sir,  ask  your  conde- 
scension to  the  perusal  of  these  individual  concerns,  did  they  not 
tend  to  show  the  relation  in  wliich  these  deponents  should  con- 
sider themselves  with  me.  and  that,  to  a  violation  of  good  faith, 
they  have  added  ingratitude. 

■■  With  great  respect  I  have  the  honor  to  I'emain.  sir.  your  most 
obedient  servant,  W'ii.i.i.v.m  ]<'.\ton."' 

Hon.  Mr.  Sitgreaves. 

This  letter,  togetlier  with  the  three  depositions  referred  to,  are 
entirely  collateral  to  the  sul)ject.  but  this  little  episode  is  interest- 
ing and  pertinent  as  going  to  show,  among  other  things,  that  ap- 
plicants for  i)ul»lic  oflicc  were  of  ihe  opinion  that  zeal  in  volun- 
teering assistance  in  the  prosecution  of  (iovcrnor  lUount  was  a 
recommendation  to  Executive  favor. 

Doc.  No.  1.  is  a  letter  from  lilount  to  Romayne,  stating :  '"I 
persever<-  in  my  determination  respecting  a  certain  business,  as 
expressed  to  you  in  New  York,"  dated  February  D,  171'7. 

J)or.  No.  2,  is  a  letter  from  Romayneto  lilount.  It  relates  prin- 
cipally to  the  war  in  Europe  and  money  matti'rs.  It  contains  this 
remark  :  "I  have  reliected  much,  since  you  left  me,  respecting  our 
]»lans  to  the  Southward;  and  tlie  more  I  think  on  them  the  more 
imi")ortant  tliey  ap})ear  to  nu'  in  their  consequences."  Dated  Feb- 
ruary 10,  1707. 


CHAPTER   X. 

Continuation  oj  the  Testimony — Letters  from  Romayne  to  Blount  and 
Blount  to  Romayne — Note  from  Anonymous  sender  of  Romayne^s 
Letter  to  Blount  of  March  15,  1797,  to  Mr.  Pickering,  ivritten  in 
the  Spanish  Language. 

The  next  paper  is  Doc.  No.  3,  a  letter  from  Romayne  to  Blount. 

He  writes  :  "  There  are  letters  from  Mr.  K ;  he  writes  with 

caution.  The  only  thing  he  says  is,  that  the  Minister's  mode 
for  a  loan  is  not  popular  ;  but  the  result  shows  that  Mr.  Pitt  has 
gained  his  object."     March  3,  1797. 

Doc.  4,  is  a  letter  from  Blount  to  Romayne,  in  which  he  ex- 
presses his  purpose  of  going  to  England  and  wished  to  see  Ro- 
mayne.    March  7,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  5,  is  a  letter  from  Romayne  to  Blount.  He  says  ;  "  I 
have  read  Mr.  Adams'  speech.  I  expect  the  greatest  part  of  his 
administration  will  consist  of  speeches  and  orations.  I  fear  much 
that  on  Saturday  commenced  an  era  not  very  propitious  to  our 
country."    March  8,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  6,  is  a  letter  from  Romayne  to  Blount.  He  advises 
him  to  leave  for  England  secretly.     March  9,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  7,  is  a  letter  from  Blount  to  Romayne.  He  says  :  "  I 
shall  certainly  attempt  to  carry  our  plan  into  execution,  and  shall 
see  3'ou  at  New  York,  or  some  other  convenient  place,  before  my 
departure  for  Europe,  early  in  May."     March  11,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  8,  is  a  letter  from  Romayne  to  Blount.  He  advises 
Blount  a  second  time  to  make  his  departure  for  England  secretly ; 
not  to  appear  engaged  in  any  commercial  or  land  speculations  in 

,  for  the  reason  that  it  would  be  "  of  immense  disadvantage 

if  known  in  respect  to  your  other  business,  as  long  as  that  is  pend- 
ing;" and  also  informs  him  that  Mr.  King  has  a  personal  di.<like 
to  him  (Blount).     INIarch  11,  1797. 

Doc,  No.  9,  is  a  letter  from  Romayne  to  Blount.  It  was  n;- 
ceived.  by  Mr.  Pickering,  from  an  anonymous  liand,  on  or  about 
July  13.     The  letter  in  full  is  as  follows  : 

"  New  York,  March  15,  1797. 

"  My  Dear  Sir  :  I  have  this  day  received  your  letter  of  the  11th 
instant.  I  do  not  know  that  I  shall  write  to  you  after  the  23d  on 
the  subject  we  contemplate,  because  the  utmost  caution  is  neces- 


LIFK   OF   WII.MAM     niOlNT.  33 

sary  for  us  butli  to  observe.  The  great  {X)int  is  now  decided,  and 
will  corroborate  the  opinions  I  gave  you,  that  the  war  will  go  on; 
and  you  may  depend  it  will,  for  some  years,  with  a  degree  of  acri- 
mony and  horror  not  to  be  described.  This,  then,  is  fixing  one 
point  in  the  state  of  things,  if  you  and  I  can  benefit  ourselves  and 
be  at  the  same  time  of  service  to  our  fellow  creatures,  wc  ought  to 
do  it. 

"  I  find  that  Hamilton  and  our  politicians  here  are  very  averse 
to  the  French  being  in  our  neighborhood,  and  are  equally  so  that 
there  should  be  any  change;  I  am  very  cautious  and  circumspect, 
but  get  all  the  opinions  that  I  can.  In  our  business  wc  will  have 
nothing  but  enemies  here;  therefore  the  utmost  reserve  is  required. 
I  shall  give  out  that  I  mean  to  visit  some  of  the  States,  and  then 
sit  down  and  jtractiee  physic  here.  I  think  that  will  kill  all  sus- 
picion about  my  being  engaged  in  any  political  matters.  In  my 
last  letter  I  gave  you  some  ideas  about  King,  and  of  not  being 
seen  in  any  business  in  a  certain  j^lace,  so  as  to  ajtpear  a  i)ure, 
dignified  political  character.     Let  me  know  if  these  letters  have 

reached .     I  never  was  so  contident  of  success  in  my  life 

of  any  business  as  I  am  in  this  of  our  contemplation. 

"  I  wish  to  impress  on  your  mind  very  much  the  idea  of  secrecy 
in  our  business,  and  not  confide  in  any  one,  for  it  may  be  of  ma- 
terial disadvantage  to  us.  This,  perhaps,  may  be  of  moment  for 
you  to  consider,  that  every  means  should  be  used  in  the  Tennes- 
see, Kentucky,  (tc,  to  give  every  assurance  that  a  certain  country 
is  certainly  ceded  to  France.  That  of  course  all  properties  in  these 
countries  will  be  of  no  value,  as  it  will  l)e  in  the  neigh1)orliood  of 
a  hostile,  warlike  people,  who  will  I'avor  tlie  liberation  of  all  the 
slaves.  As  landed  pro]>erty  must  fall  in  these  United  States,  it  is 
well  to  give  it  this  turn  among  the  AVestern  peoj)le ;  it  will  be  well 
to  say  that  the  mouth  of  a  certain  river  will  l)e  shut  against  all 
Americans.  It  might  answer  to  get  some  meetings  of  the  people 
to  instrucf  Congress  against  the  I'leneh  gi'tting  the  S](anish  ces- 
sion, etc.  You  may  inllanie  the  minds  of  the  people  in  a  certain 
way,  so  as  not  to  let  out  any  of  our  plan,  and  yet  put  things  in 
such  a  situation  as  will  make  our  jilan,  when  it  takes  i>lac(>,  ap- 
pear as  a  salvation  of  the  ]>eople.  or,  a.s  "  Common  Sense''  was  in 
177G  ;  for  ground  must  beiirepan-d  before  seed  will  bear  properly; 
all  the  fermentation  you  can  make  to  the  Southward,  respecting 
the  change  of  possession,  t^L'c.the  better  ;  when  it  is  in  your  hands 
it  will  be  well  done.  "With  respect  to  the  I'nited  States,  we  are  to 
be  [ ]  upon  and  degraded,  or  I  am  deceived 


o4  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUXT. 

If  any  new  ideas  should  occur,  I  will  Avrite  to  you  again  ;  in  tlie 
meantime  we  have  no  time  to  lose.  You  must  positively  be  all 
expedition  ;•  I  am  fearful  you  will  hardly  have  time  to  visit  the 
Tennessee,  and  yet  it  may  be  very  necessary. 

Adieu  :  God  bless  you  and  preserve  you  wherever  you  be. 
Your  afiectionate  friend, 

Nicolas  Komayne. 

The  Hon.  ^\'illiam  Blount, 

Senate  of  the  U.  S.,  Philadelphia. 

What  do  you  think  of  my  writing  certain  pieces  for  the  Knox- 
■^'ille  Gazette,  &c.?     Burn  or  destroy  my  letters. 

Doc.  No.  9  A,  is  a  note  from  the  anonymous  sender  of  tlio  iore- 
going  letter,  in  the  Spanish  language,  to  Mr.  Pickering,  stathagtliat 
the  letter  enclosed  fell  into  his  hands  by  accident. 

Doc.  No.  10,  is  a  letter  from  Governor  Blount,  ])resumably  to  Dr. 
Eomayne,  for  the  address  is  wanting.  He  says  :  "  I  can  only  re- 
peat to  you  that  it  might  be  well  in  you  to  advocate  the  Spaniards 
holding  their  present  possession."^,  as  most  advantageous  to  the 
Western  people,  and  committees  or  meetings  ought  to  be  held  to 
request  Congress  to  take  the  business  in  hand,  and  remonstrate 
against  the  French  people,  that  if  they  do  get  i^ossession  they  will 
oblige  the  ^^'estern  people  to  come  into  all  their  measures  and 
caprices,  or  they  will  shut  up  the  navigation  :  they  will  sow  dis- 
cord among  the  people,  and  the  value  of  lands  and  all  property 
will  be  greatly  reduced."  The  letter  goes  on  to  state  that  the  time 
is  short — not  more  than  six  weeks — in  which  something  must  l)e 
done.  It  concludes  :  "At  any  event,  Ave.must  meet  the  beginning 
of  May,  and  then  determine.  Keep  yourself  prepared  to  go,  and 
I  will  do  the  same."     March  17,  1797. 


CHAVTEU  XI. 

•CuntiitiKitlon  of  (lie  'hst'ivunni — LctU'r/nDit  Ja/m  Cri-slidhn  (a  fluvcr- 
iior  lilovnt,  Marvh  \1 ,  1797 — Letter  fr(>m  Critfholm  to  McKee — 
('rit<]iohn  to  ]iO(/ers — Letters  from  Dr.  liomayne  to  Governor 
Jilount — Blount  to  Boyers — Blount  to  Care)/ — Blouut  to  IjOnelei/ — 
Letter  fn.w  Mr.  Listan,  the  British  Minister,  to  I)r.  li'dviaynr,  April 
•2>^.  ll\)l—J.,lfcr  (fJdwes  (irniit  to  (ionmor  JUoiiHl—L'oiiiainic 
to  Jilount— Janus  a, -(nit  to  (Ion mor  JUoii,,/. 

Doc  No.  11.  is  ;i  Ictlrr  rri.iu  John  Crislioliii  t<>  ( lovcrnor  IMount, 
(latid  Maich  17.  17'.'7,  in  whicli  lie  states  that  lie  sails  lor  l-:iir(.]pc 
the  next  (lay. 

Dor.  No.  11  A.  is  a  V-tU-v  In.iu  Crisliolm  to  Cnl.  .|,,l,n  .M.k'co, 
nniKiuncin.ii-  the  same. 

D.H-.  No.  11  ]*>.  is  a  Icttrr  I'n.iii  Crisliolni  to  Caiitnin  .lohii  Kol:- 
(  Ts.  announcing  the  same. 

])oi  .  No.  1-J,  is  a  kttcr  IVoni  Dr.  INunayni'  to  (lovonior  P.louiit, 
cxpnssin^Z  jjixat  conlidmcc  in  tlu'  success  of  the  enterprise,  and 
statin^thnt  lie  ^vas  ready  to  set  out  ior  Europe,  if  Ciovernor  Blount 
should  a})})r()ve  of  his  jioinjr.     March  21,  171>7. 

Doc.  No.  18,  is  a  duplicate  of  tlic  forcpoin<r,  sent  for  tear  the 
fonner  may  have  miscarried.     :\Iareh  22,  1797. 

Doc.  Xo.  14,  is  the  Carey  letter,  already  given. 

])oc.  Xo.  1"),  is  a  letter  from  IMount  to  John  I*o<rcr,'<,  te]lin<,'  him 
to  ••  keej)  tiiinjrs  in  a  train  hut  take  care  and  act  wisely.''  Ajtril 
21.  1707. 

Doc.  No.  1(>,  is  a  letter  from  IMount  to  Carey,  instructing:  him  to 
]»ay  James  Kin;;  the  money  due  iiim  (lUount)  for  some  cattle. 
Ain-il  24,  171)7. 

Doc.  No.  17,  is  a  letter  from  Blount  to  Major  Loneley,  instruct- 
ing: him  to  pay  money  to  Janus  King,  his  attorney  in  fact.  April 
24,  17i)7. 

Do<-.  No.  IS,  is  the  letter  from  Mr.  Liston.  the  llritish  Minister, 
to  Dr.  Romayne.     The  following  is  a  full  copy  : 

l'im,.vni;i,i'iii.\,  April  2S,  17U7. 
1  am  much  indehted  to  y<»u,  sir,   for  your  friendly  letter  of  the 
14th  of  this  month,  enclosing  one  from  Mr.  Pulteney,  whose  good 
opinion  gives  me  high  satisfaction.     (That  letter  is  now  returned.) 


36  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

Taking  it  for  granted  that  I  understand  to  -wliat  business  you 
allude,  I  could  Avish  to  have  a  full  explanation  of  your  sentiments 
on  the  subject ;  it  may  be  done,  I  think,  in  writing ;  you  may  de- 
pend on  sccrec}^  and  discretion  on  my  part. 

The  general  sketch  of  what  has  taken  place  hero  is,  that  a  per- 
son came  to  me  to  make  certain  important  propositions  of  enter- 
prise, to  which  I  listened,  but  said  I  liad  no  power  to  act. 

He  appeared  to  be  determined  and  active,  thongli  illiterate  and 
unfit  to  assume  command. 

He  urged  to  have  my  consent  to  go  to  P^urope,  to  tell  his  own 
story,  to  which  I  consented  (though  with  some  hesitation),  not 
thinking  myself  authorized  to  give  a  positive  refusal. 

It  strikes  me  that  if  a  person  of  confidence,  with  proper  author- 
ity from  home,  were  to  accompany  him  to  the  scene  of  action,, 
something  might  possibh^  be  effected. 

Information  of  every  sort  will  be  faithfully  received, 

N.  B. — I  have  no  intention  of  sending  my  secretary  anywhere. 

Believe  me  Avith  great  truth  and  regard,  sir,  your  most  oljedi- 
ent,  humble  servant.  Bobert  Listox. 

Dr.  Bomayne. 

Doc.  No.  19,  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  of  James  Grant  to  Gover- 
nor Blount.  Grant  says  it  is  reported  and  credited  (whether  true 
or  not)  that  the  British  have  invaded  the  Floridas  and  blocked  up 
the  Mississippi.     May  8,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  20,  is  a  letter  from  Dr.  Bomayne  to  Governor  Blount,, 
in  which  he  says  that  he  has  two  letters  from  Sir  W.  Fulteney  on 
the  subject  of  their  business,  but  tbat  there  is  nutbing  (U'cisive. 
May  12,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  21,  is  a  letter  from  Dr.  Bomayne  to  (iovei-nor  Blount. 
The  writer  speaks  of  sailing  for  Europe  tli(>  middle  of  the  ensuing 
week,  and  expresses  an  earnest  desire  to  see  (iovenior  Blount  be- 
fore he  sets  out.     May  VI,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  22,  is  a  letter  iVom  Dr.  Bomayne  to  (iovei'nov  lUount. 
informing  him  that  the  vessel  had  sailed,  Imt  that  tlie  writer  <lid 
not  go.     May  23,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  23,  is  a  letter  from  James  Grant  to  Governor  Blount. 
The  following  is  a  full  eopy  : 

Knoxville,  jSIay  24.  17'-'7. 

Dear  Sir  :  Seven  days  ago  I  was  with  Carey  at  Tellieo  :  li;in<led 
liim  your  letter  No.  1,  left  with  Colonel  King,  and  urged  his  send- 
ing for  B ;  he  will  certainly  do  it. 

Tlie  chiefs  arc  callini;-  out  for  their  old  friend,  Governor  lUount 


LIKE    Ol'    Wll. 1.1AM     ni.(M  NT.  37 

uiul  :M(Klt;  air  iiiutli  div^ati.-licd  ;  say  the-  new  inasters  treat 
tliem  nijifrartUy.  J  am  a^ssmrd  tlicy  Avill  advi;>c  in  their  towns, 
and  sond  on  tliroii-h  South  ("amljna  withoutthe  knowledge  of  tlie 
Commissioners. 

The.  IJroomc  lias  just  eomc  in  iVoiii  rciisaeula,  and  savs  he  .saw 
the  Ihitish  hind  in  ^\■est  Florida  with  ordnanee,  i^c. 

Watts:  and  Douhlehead  wish  mueh  to  see  you.  ( 'oh.nel  Haw- 
kins is  j:one  to  Cunihcrlaiid.  He  neither  stands  well  with  the  eits 
or  Indians. 

I  am  your  humble  servant,  ,I.\mi:.s  Guant. 

Tiie  Hon.  William  Blount, 

Senator,  Congress,  Philadelphia. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Continuation  of  the  Testimony— Letters  from  Blount  to  Romayne,  and 
the  latter  to  Blount— Memoranda  of  forces  on  the  Mississippi  river 

Circular  letter  from  Governor  Bloirnt  to  his  friends  in  the  West — 

Letter  of  Governor  Blount  referred  to  in  the  Carey  letter,  dated 
July  26,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  24,  is  a  letter  from  Governor  lilount  to  ])r.  Romayne, 
in  which  he  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  several  letters  and  ex- 
cuses himself  for  not  replying  to  them  sooner.  He  expresses  the 
high  respect  and  esteem  he  has  always  entertained  for  Dr.  Ro- 
mayne since  his  first  acquaintance  with  him.     May  29,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  25,  is  a  letter  from  Governor  Blount  to  Dr.  Romayne, 
in  which  he  says  he  cannot  go  to  New  York,  but  wishes  Romayne 
to  come  and  see  him  in  Philadelphia.     May  31,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  26,  is  a  letter  from  Dr.  Romayne  to  Governor  Rlount, 
giving  his  views  upon  the  war  in  Europe.     June  2,  1797. 

Doc.  No.  27,  is  an  unfinished  letter  from  Dr.  Romayne  to  (gov- 
ernor Blount,  which  contains  the  following  : 

"  I  think  myself  very  fortunate  that  I  did  not  go  to  Europe  this 
spring.  I  am  disposed  to  think  the  business  is  over  now."  July 
2,  179^7. 

This  is  the  last  letter  in  the  correspondence  between  Governor 
Blount  and  Dr.  Romayne. 

Doc.  No.  28,  is  a  "  Memoranda  of  forces  on  the  Mississippi 
river,"  found  among  Governor  Blount's  jxipers,  endorsed  ''Judge 
Turner." 

Doc.  No.  29,  is  a  circular  letter  from  Governor  B'. v. nt  to  his 
friends  in  the  West.  The  "  annexed  copy  of  a  letter  '  referred  to 
is  the  "  Carey  "  letter.     The  following  L?  a  full  copy  ; 

"  PiiiLADELriii.v,  July  26,  1797. 

"Sir  :  The  annexed  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  with  which  it  seems  Mr. 
Byers,  of  Tellico  Blockhouse,  came  express  to  this  city,  and  de- 
livered it  about  the  20th  of  June  to  the  President,  with  whom  and 
his  executive  council  it  remained  until  the  30th  instant,  when  it 
was  laid  by  him  before  both  houses  of  Congress,  with  other 
papers. 

"  It  is  imputed  to  me,  and  has  involved  me  in  serious  difficulties^ 


I. IKK    ••!•    WILLIAM     HLOINT.  39 

the  cxtoiit  cf  which  1    c;iiiii(>t  :i(    iinsciit  fi.rrscc.     Tluy  will,  liow- 
ever,  slu>rtly  l)c  detailed  to  you. 

''  1  ask  you  to  oxauiiuc  it  with  attiutioii,  and  dcliiiuiiif  lor  your- 
self if  tho  (•out(MU])lati'd  i>hin,  K  t  wIkk  vcr  iii;iy  he  the  author,  had 
gone  into  cllei-t.  what  would  ha\c  hccii  the  yv<n\{  to  the  citizens 
of  Tennessee,  whose  jj;ood  it  has  ever  been,  and  ever  will  be,  my 
happiness  to  jjroniote?  1  repeat,  read  and  judge  for  yourself,  re- 
gardless of  popular  clamor,  Avhicli  its  i)ublication  has  raised  in 
this  and  other  i)laccs,  much  to  my  injury.  {Shortly  1  will  be  iiii 
Tennessee.     In  the  meantime, 

"  Believe  me,  very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"  William  Blount."" 


CHAPTER  Xlll. 

Contimiation  of  the  Testimcny — Deposition  of  Dr.  Kicolas  Eomayne 
taken  before  the  House  Committee,  May  15,  17,  18,  19,  and  20, 
1797. 

Doc.  A  B,  is  the  deposition  of  Dr.  Nicolas  Romayne,  '•  aged 
thirty-nine  years  and  upwards,"  taken  before  the  House  Commit- 
tee, July  15,  17,  18,  19,  20,  1797. 

The  folloAving  is  the  deposition,  the  interrogatories,  and  the  an- 
swers, in  full : 

Dr.  Nicolas  Romayne,  being  sworn  on  the  Holy  Evangelists  of 
Almight}"  God,  doth  depose  and  say  : 

That  he  has  been  acquainted  with  William  Blount  since  the 
year  1782,  Avhen  he  first  came  to  this  city  as  a  member  of  Con- 
gress. Some  time  after  he  had  occasion  to  correspond  with  him 
respecting  some  property  belonging  to  the  deponent  in  North  Car- 
olina. Upon  that  and  various  other  subjects  the  correspondence 
between  them  had  continued  till  very  lately.  AVhile  Mr.  Blount 
was  Governor  of  the  Territory  of  the  United  States  south  of  the 
Ohio,  the  deponent  was  requested  by  a  friend  to  write  to  him,  and 
to  propose  the  solution  of  certain  queries  respecting  the  military 
lands  on  the  Cumberland,  in  that  Territory,  for  the  purchase  of 
which  it  was  contemplated  to  form  a  compan}^,  and  to  propose  to 
Mr.  Blount  to  become  a  party.  The  proposition  was  accordingly 
made  to  him.  Mr.  Blount's  answer  to  these  queries  and  proposi- 
tions was  communicated  by  Captain  Chisholm,  at  that  time  an  en- 
tire stranger  to  the  deponent,  but  whom  Mr.  Blount  recom- 
mended as  a  proper  person  to  be  employed  by  the  company  as  a, 
jDurchasing  agent.  The  plan,  however,  Avas  wholly  dropped  on 
account  of  the  person  who  proposed  it  going  to  Europe.  Some 
time  afterwards  the  deponent  formed  a  resolution  of  paying  a 
visit  to  Europe ;  which  being  known  to  Mr.  Blount,  a  proposition 
originated  between  them  that  an  attempt  should  be  made  there  to 
form  a  company  on  the  principles  and  for  the  purposes  formerly 
mentioned,  and  to  include  Governor  Blount  and  Captain  Chisholm 
as  partners.  This  happened  jirevious  to  the  12th  of  July,  1795, 
on  which  day  the  deponent  sailed  for  England.  An  agreement  to 
this  effect  was  made  and  formally  executed  ;  but  from  motives  of 
d'^J'fvty,  and  apprehensions  of  the  fall  of  lands  on  account  of  the 


LIFK    OF    WILLFAM  nLOU.NT.  41 

political  events  in  Europe,  no  direct  attempts  were  made  to  carry- 
it  into  eftect.  The  deponent,  however,  left  maps  and  papers  Oi\ 
tlie  subject  with  certain  persons  of  consideration  in  England,  and 
was  requested  by  them  and  some  others  to  procure  from  the  State 
of  Tennessee  a  law  for  enabling  them,  as  aliens,  to  hold  lands. 
These  persons  contemidated  to  purchase  lands  as  the  price,  cir- 
cumstances, and  their  own  convenience,  should  dictate.  In  case 
of  their  becoming  purcliasers,  it  was  understood  that  Governor 
Blount  and  the  deponent  might  be  interested  in  the  purchases, 
upon  terms,  however,  which  were  not  settled  ;  and  the  propriety 
of  the  purchases  was  to  depend,  in  a  great  measure,  upon  liis  opin- 
ion. On  his  arrival  in  this  country  he  was  to  keep  up  a  corres- 
pondence with  them,  which  he  has  done. 

In  October  last  the  deponent  arrived  in  America.  He  has  not 
been  out  of  the  State  of  New  York  since,  till  lie  was  summoned  to 
this  place.  Soon  after  his  arrival  he  wrote  to  Governor  Blount, 
informing  him  that  he  had  done  notliing  in  their  land  business, 
more  tlian  has  been  before  mentioned.  To  this  letter  he  never  re- 
ceived any  answer ;  but,  about  the  beginning  of  February  last 
Governor  Blount  came  to  New  York  on  business  of  his  own ;  at 
least  his  coming  was  not  at  the  instance  or  Avith  the  privity  of  the 
deponent.  During  his  stay  there,  he  and  the  deponent  frequently 
met  as  aeiiuaintances,  had  much  political  conversation,  and  fre- 
quently c(jnversed  on  the  value  of  property  in  the  United  States, 
particularly  landed  property.  It  seemed  to  be  his  wish  that  depo- 
nent should  urge  his  friends  in  Europe  to  become  purchasers  of 
land  at  that  time,  which,  however,  he  positively  declined,  on  ac- 
count of  wliat  he  considered  to  be  the  political  state  of  tliis  coun- 
try. He  particularly  stated  to  Governor  Blount  that  the  French 
Government  was  at  that  time  very  hostile  to  the  Government  of 
the  United  States;  that  in  his  oi)inion,  there  was  no  probability 
that  General  Pinckney  would  be  received  as  Minister  of  the  United 
States  ;  that  this  opinion  was  founded  on  a  knowledge  of  what 
appeared  to  be  the  system  and  temper  of  France  when  he  came 
from  tlicre  in  July  last :  that  lie  had  much  reason  to  believe  that 
Spain  had  nuule  a  cession  to  France  of  Louisiana  and  the  Flori- 
das  ;  that  the  French,  possessing  great  powers,  liad  great  views  in 
all  their  operations,  and  that  he  thought  it  not  improbable  they 
had  in  contemplation  the  acquisition  of  Canada  and  the  whole 
Western  country  ;  and  that  he  and  his  hicnds  might  be  prepared 
to  think  of  becoming  sans  cullottcs. 

3Ir.  Blount  seemed  to  be  much  interested  l»v  this  conversation. 


42  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  BLOl  NT. 

which  was  very  extriisivo,  and  wliicli  In'caino  at  len<rth  more  par- 
licularlv  directed  to  tlie  State  of  Tennessee,  and  the  manner  in 
in  wliich  it  might  he  effected  by  these  events.  He  said  he  had 
taken  great  pains  to  settle  that  State,  and  to  render  it  important. 
He  spoke  of  his  being  concerned  in  administering  the  government 
there,  on  the  subject  of  which  he  said  he  had  l)een  treated  very  ill 
by  the  President,  or  some  of  the  Executive  oflicers  of  the  United 
States.  The  conversation,  indeed,  became  so  affecting  to  him  that 
he  wept ;  upon  which  tlie  subject  was  (h'opped  for  that  time. 
His  stay  at  New  York  was  several  days  :  lie  was  out  at  the  house 
of  the  deponent  one  or  two  nights,  and  there  were  frequent  con" 
versations  on  the  same  suliject  :  in  tlie  cdui-so  of  Avhieh  the  depo- 
nent expressed  his  opinion  that,  under  present  circumstances,  the 
lands  in  Tennessee  and  in  tlie  Western  country,  in  general,  would 
be  of  little  or  no  value.  A  remark  was  made,  that  in  case  of  a 
war  between  the  United  States  and  France,  the  situation  of  the 
Western  cour.try  must  be  very  disagreeable;  and  that  in  such  an 
event,  those  ])eople,  in  order  to  relieve  themselves  Irom  the  calam- 
ities which  must  appear  so  threatening,  would  perha])s  be  im- 
pelled to  separate  from  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
Speaking  of  the  Genesee  lands  in  the  State  of  New  York,  and  ot 
some  sales  of  them  lately  made  abroad,  and  comparing  them  with 
the  price  of  lands  in  Tennessee,  the  deponent  was  led  to  n-mark 
that  it  was  a  i)ity  Louisiana  also,  ;is  well  ;!s  Canada,  could  not  lie 
in  the  hands  of  the  Elnglish,  as  neiglihorhood  to  tliat  (iovernment 
added  so  much  to  the  value  in  the  sale  of  lands.  Mr.  lUount  re- 
plied that  he  had  no  doubt  of  the  justm-ss  of  the  ohservation  ; 
that  it  was  indeed  to  be  regretted  that  the  Ib'itish  did  not  |.ossess 
Louisiana,  and  that  such  an  event  might  \ery  easily  l)e  lirought 
about.  The  deponents  ex}nvssed  some  doul.ts  of  this  opinion: 
having  always  understood  that  the  j.eople  in  the  Western  country 
Avere  much  attached  to  France  and  unlViendly  to  the  l"'ng]isli. 
Avhich  Avould  create  great  obstacles  to  such  an  enterprise.  ( iover- 
nor  Blount  admitted  this,  hut  remarked  thai  the  Spaniards  were 
very  weak,  and  would  niai;e  l)ut  feeble  resistani'c  in  that  country. 
In  conse<iuence  of  this  conversation,  lie  proposed  going  to  Fng- 
land  on  the  su1)ject.  The  deponent  t.»l(l  him.  it'  he  chose  to  go.  he 
would  give  him  letters  to  persons  who  might  introduce  him  to 
those  in  power.  He  then  informed  the  deponent  that  Captain 
Chisholm  and  several  others  had  a  plan  of  doing  something  against 
some  parts  of  Florida,  al)out  which  they  had  been  admitted  to 
some  interviews  with  a  person  of  consequence  in  Philadelphia. 


LIKK    or    WILLIAM    HLor.NT.  43 

This  wa:*  the  lirst  \\\c  (l.'ix.ncnt  lu.'ar.l  ..f  ( 'liisliulm  in  this  l.usi- 
nc'ss,  nor  has  lio  ever  liad  any  intereourse  or  eoniniunieation  with 
liim  relating  to  it.  On  his  expressing  a  desire  to  know  the  nature 
and  extent  of  Chisholm's  phui,  Ctovernor  Blount  ohserved  that  he 
did  not  know  it  in  its  full  extent  himself,  hecause  (lliishohn  kcjit 
himself  very  much  to  himself;  hut  he  ajtpreiiended  it  to  he  some 
plundering  party  or  petty  enterprise.  The  deponent  ohserved  he 
was  very  sorry  for  tiiis  aflair  of  Chisholm,  and  ohserved  that  it 
ought  to  be  prevented.  He  also  expressed  mucii  surprise  that  the 
person  of  consequence  in  PhiladeJjiliia,  wlio  liad  heen  allu<led  to, 
should  see  such  a  man  as  Chisholui  on  a  l)usiness  of  that  naturt-, 
and  added  that  Governor  Blount  ought  to  see  that  person  of  con- 
sequence, and  caution  him  against  listening  to  such  overtures  from 
persons  of  that  description.  Mr.  Blount  observed  that  he  had  no 
acquaintance  with  that  person,  as  he  had  never  waited  on  him. 
The  deponent  then  begged  him  to  take  care  that  Chisholm  sliould 
be  prevented  from  pressing  his  project ;  he  replied  that  he  could 
command  Chisholm  when  near,  but  could  not  answer  for  or  (-(Mi- 
trol  him  at  a  distance. 

The  conversation  then  turned,  for  the  first  time,  on  the  Floridas, 
and  the  deponent  observed  that  it  was  a  matter  of  regret  that  they 
did  not  belong  to  the  United  States — mentioning,  among  other 
things,  the  inconvenience  of  having  such  great  natural  l)oundaries 
as  the  Mississippi  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico ;  that  if  he  should  go 
to  England,  he  ought  to  imi)ress  this  idea  upon  the  people  in 
power,  and  point  out  to  them  the  favorable  effect  that  their  aiding 
such  an  event  would  have  on  the  United  States,  to  whom  Florida 
was  of  great  importance,  wliile  it  could  l)e  of  little  \alue  ta 
England. 

The  deponent  remarked,  generally,  that  it  was  understood  and 
agreed  by  Mr.  Blount  and  hiuLself,  tliroughout  the  whole  of 
their  conversations  on  this  subject,  that  the  most  favoral)le  state 
of  things  for  the  United  States  was  the  possession  of  Louisiana 
by  Spain  ;  but  if  it  were  to  pass  from  their  hands,  it  was  deemed 
by  them  of  great  importance  that  England  should  i)ossess  it  rather 
than  France. 

With  these  general  impressions  Governor  Blount  left  New  York, 
that  he  should  consult  with  some  persons  of  importance  in  Pliila- 
delphia,  both  in  the  Government  and  out,  and  learn  from  them 
how  far  such  a  project  might  receive  their  api)robation  or  counte- 
nance, or  be  deemed  advisable  by  them ;  that  he  should  also,  for 
the  same  purpose,  sound  certain  persons  in  Virginia,  the  frontiers 


44  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUXT. 

of  North  Carolina,  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  generally  tlirough- 
out  the  Southern  States,  and  the  people  in  general  in  the  State  of 
Tennessee  ;  that  he  should  particularly  attend  to  those  persons  in 
the  Indian  country  and  eslcwhere  who  had  been  engaged  in  Genet's 
project.  As  they  were  already  under  operation  they  must  be  man- 
aged ;  and  that  the  deponent  should  forward  to  Philadelphia  sucli 
letters  of  hitroduction  for  Governor  Blount,  to  persons  in  Eng- 
land, as  might  be  thought  useful.  This  the  deponent  engaged  to 
do ;  and  soon  after  wrote  to  a  gentleman  in  England,  informing 
him  that  a  person  of  consequence  would  sail  from  this  country, 
gome  time  in  May,  for  England,  on  a  business  of  this  kind. 

After  Governor  Blount  returned  to  Congress,  several  letters 
passed  between  him  and  the  deponent  on  the  same  subject.  In 
one  of  them  he  expressed  the  necessity  of  his  standing  well  with 
the  four  Southern  nations  of  Indians,  and  holding  his  importance 
among  them.  He  also,  in  these  letters,  expressed  his  fears  about 
tlie  conduct  of  some  persons  in  this  country,  who  had  contem- 
plated this  business  and  might  attempt  to  execute  it  in  an  im- 
proper and  imprudent  manner.  These  considerations  united,  and 
some  other  matters  not  connected  with  them,  induced  the  depo- 
nent to  think  of  sailing  for  England  in  the  month  of  May  ;  before 
he  set  out,  he  exijected  to  receive  from  Governor  Blount  full  infor- 
mation of  his  opinions  and  the  result  of  his  inquiries,  and  for  that 
purpose  requested  an  interview,  that  there  might  be  a  full  and  free 
conversation  on  the  whole  business  ;  to  this  he  received  no  answer 
for  some  time,  but  learned  from  other  persons  that  Mr.  Blount 
was  in  Philadelphia.  His  neglect  in  this  respect  made  the  depo- 
nent hesitate,  and  the  late  change  of  circumstances  in  Europe 
made  him  douljt  the  success  of  the  application  to  the  British  Gov- 
ernment at  this  time ;  he  had  also  received  some  further  account 
of  the  force  of  the  Spaniards  in  that  quarter,  and  some  informa- 
tion said  to  have  come  from  a  respectable  foreigner  who  had  been 
in  that  country,  that  there  were  in  the  Southern  and  Western 
parts  of  the  United  States  largenumbersof  men,  wlio  it  was  likely 
would  aid  the  French  and  Spaniards.  These  circumstances  had 
determined  the  deponent  to  abandon  this  business  altogether, 
when  he  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Blount,  expressing  his  regard 
for  liim,  and  apologizing  for  not  Avriting ;  and  soon  after  another, 
requesting  him  to  come  to  Pliiladelphia  ;  to  this  tlie  deponent  did 
not  consent,  and  then  the  intercourse  on  this  subject  enckHl,  except 
that  the  deponent  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  Blount,  expressing  his 
opinion  that  the  business  was  ended,  to  whicli  he  never  received 
an  answer. 


LTKK    OF    WILLIAM     lU.Ol'NT.  45 

INTHIIIJOGATOUIKS  OF  Till':  COMM  ITTKK  AM)  ANSWERS 
OF  THE  DEPO  NENT. 

1.  M'lio  was  the  frii'iul  at  whose  iv«|uest  3011  wrote  to  William 
Blount,  while  Governor  of  the  Southwestern  Ttrritory,  ahout  the 
purchase  of  military  lands? 

Anmrr.     It  was  Mr.  Edward  Griswold,  now  resident  in  Paris. 

2.  You  have  said  that  articles  of  af^'reement  were  drawn  uj)  he- 
tween  you  and  William  Plount,  previously  to  your  departure  for 
Europe,  in  \~\)'k     Wvyv  they  executed,  and  what  was  their  tenor? 

.1.  They  were  executed,  and  are,  I  understand,  in  the  jiosses- 
sion  of  the  Committee.  They  related  solely  to  lands,  ami  their 
tenor  and  contents  may  he  discovered  from  a  perusal. 

3.  How  long  did  you  remain  in  P]urope,  and  in  what  part  of  it  ? 
A.  Something  more  than  a  year  ;  during  which  time  I  visited 

tirst  England,  then  Holland,  France,  and  Ik'lgium  ;  from  whence  I 
returned  to  England,  and  after  a  short  stay  there,  embarked  for 
New  York. 

4.  Who  were  the  persons  in  whose  hands  you  left  (crtain  maps 
and  papers  on  your  departure  from  England? 

A.  I  left  them  with  different  persons.  Tlicy  wi're  wholly  of  a 
private  nature,  and  in  no  manner  connected  with  the  object  of 
this  examination. 

5.  Are  you  ac(piaintcd  with  Sir  ^^'illianl  Pultcney  ;  and  if  you 
are,  did  your  acquaintance  with  him  cojnnicncc  ln'ibrcyou  visited 
England  in  1705? 

A.  It  did  not.  ]My  acquaintance  witii  him  aiose  from  letters 
from  Mr.  Williamson,  in  the  Genesee  country,  to  him.  with  whicli 
I  was  particularly  charged.  The  personal  delivery  of  those  let- 
ters, whicli  1  understood  to  nlate  to  juivate  concerns,  gave  rise  to 
conver.sition  l)et\veen  us.  and   that  h d  to  a  further  acquaintance. 

G.  Were  you  accpiainted,  Avhile  in  l-higland.  in  IT^o.  with  Lord 
Grenville,  or  with  Mr.  Dundas? 

A.  Not  with  Lord  Grenville.  With  Mr.  Dun.las  1  had  some 
acquaintance,  having  been  introduced  to  him  by  a  gentleman  at 
whose  house  I  met  him  at  diini.  r.  This  gentleman  afterwards 
carried  me  to  breakfast  with  .Mr.  hundas,  who.^e  desire  of  an  ac- 
quaintance with  me  might  have  arisen  iVom  some  sketches  which 
I  had  written  respecting  this  counlry,  ;ind  which  I  believe  were 
seen  by  him.  This  was  all  the  ac<juaintance  or  intercourse  I  had 
with  Mr.  Dundas. 

7.  Did  not  these  persons,  or  some,  and  which  of  them,  in  those 
conversations,  express  to  you  a  desire  to  add  Louisiana  or  the 


46  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM  BLOUNT. 

Florklas,  or  both,  to  the  Britisli  rrown  ;  and  did  yon  not  hear  this 
desire  expressed  by  some  otlier,  and  what  persons  of  consideration 
in  Enghind? 

A.  I  never  licard  such  a  -wish  exi)ressed  ))y  those  or  any  other 
persons  in  England. 

8.  Were  you,  while  in  Europe,  requested  by  any,  and  AAdiat  per- 
sons to  sound  the  people  of  the  United  States  on  the  subject  of  a 
plan  to  annex  Florida  or  Louisiana,  or  Ijoth,  to  the  British  crown ; 
or  to  make  some  proi)ositions  tending  that  way  ? 

,1.  No  such  request  or  overtures  were  ever  made  to  me.  The 
plan  originated  Ijetween  ]\Ir.  Blount  and  myself,  as  far  as  I  know, 
in  the  manner  stated  by  me  in  my  de})osition. 

9.  In  your  conversations  in  ICngland  with  persons  of  considera. 
lion,  was  any  mention  made  of  a  description  of  people  in  this 
country  who  wished  to  separate  the  Western  settlements  from  the 
Union  ? 

A.  No  mention  of  such  persons  was  made  to  me  by  any  per- 
sons Avhatever. 

10.  How  long  liave  you  been  ac([naiiited  with  the  British  ]\Iinis- 
ter  in  this  country,  and  by  wliat  means  did  you  come  to  know 
him  ? 

A.  I  was  introduced  to  liim  in  Loudon,  by  Mr.  Pinckney,  soon 
after  his  appointment  to  this  country,  and  1  paid  him  a  visit  and 
left  some  letters  for  America,  of  wliieli  he  look  charge.  I  have 
never  seen  him  since  his  arrival  in  America. 

11.  On  your  return  to  this  country,  in  171X'),  you  wrote  to  Gov- 
ernor Blount.     Did  you  urge  him  to  meet  you  in  New  York? 

A.  I  did  write  to  him.  as  stated  in  my  deposition,  and  spoke 
of  some  private  l)usiness;  l)Ut  1  did  Jiol  mention  this  subject,  noi 
did  I  request  liim  to  come  to  New  York,  llis  arrival  there  in 
February  was  without  my  knowledge  or  ])rivity.  and,  as  I  mider- 
stood,  for  private  l)usincss  of  liis  own. 

12.  To  what  persons  in  England  or  .\mcrica  have  you  written  on 
the  subject  of  this  impiiry,  since  your  return,  and  what  answers 
have  you  received  ? 

A.  I  have  written  to  one  ])crson  in  England,  a  member  of  Par- 
liament, but  not  of  Administration  ;  from  whose  answer  it  does 
not  appear  that  the  business  was  ever  spoken  of  there  liy  liim.  I 
I  also  wrote  to  Governor  lilount,  and  received  answers  ;  the  jmr- 
port  and  substance  of  whicli  correspondence  I  have  already  ex- 
])lained.  I  likewise  wrote  to  Mr.  Liston,  and,  I  believe,  to  no  other 
person.  Mr.  Liston  gave  me  an  answer,  which  is  now  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Committee. 


I.IFK    OF    WII.I.IAM     lil.iir.Nr.  47 

i;;.  What  Avas  the  ])Uii.<.rt   o{'  your  Irtt.r  lo  Mr.  Liston  ? 

.1.  1  have  lu.  copy  of  llic  IcttiT,  l«ut  1  ncollcct  its  jjiirport, 
Avliich  Avas  to  intoiiu  Mr.  Liston  that  I  liad  li.md  of  a  ci-rtain  vu- 
tt  r]iii;r  ill  coiitt  iii|>lation.  and  on  whicii  he  had  hecn  consulted, 
and  to  caution  him  against  it,  as  a  vciy  delicate  measure,  ri'(|uir- 
inir  Lircat  ciicunisiiection.  and  capaMc.  if  known  to  he  cncoura^fe»l 
by  liim.  of  iniurin<:  {\\v  interests,  hoth  of  this  countrv  and  his 
own.  which  1  was  jiersuaded  it  was  his  wish  to  promote.  1  also 
hinted  that  a  plan  moi-e  extensive  was  contemi)latc(l  l>y  litter  per- 
sons :  and  having  understood  that  he  intended  to  send  his  secre- 
tary to  sonic  place  on  the  husiiiess  which  liad  heen  nicnlione<l  to 
him.  I  stroniily  dissuaded  him  I'rom  this  step;  indeed,  to  do  so 
hadhc(n  one  of  my  chief  induei-ments  to  address  him.  Jn  liis 
answer,  now  in  the  })ossession  of  the  ("ommitti'c,  he  a.ssured  niu 
that  he  had  no  intention  t)f  scndinjf  his  secretary  anywhere.  I 
was  induced  to  take  this  lil)crty  with  Mr.  I.iston  from  the  manner 
in  whicii  1  hceanie  aetjuaiiitid  with  him,  and  the  very  favorahle 
li.Liht  in  which  he  wr.s  i)resintcd  in  Icttirs  which  J  hail  nceivctl 
from  Knjiland.  and  one  of  wliich'J  enclosed  to  him. 

14.  ANhat  was  the  ].roject  a^^ainst  which  you  cautioiud  Mr. 
Liston  ? 

A.  It  was  that  of  Chisholm,  of  which  1  had  hccn  iniormed  hy 
(iovei-nor  Blount,  and  which  the  latter  told  iiic  had  heen  men- 
tioned to  the  Minister. 

1").  What  wasthe  ])roject  to  which  you  alhuhd  as  \h\u-s  in  more 
])ro]ier  hands?  Did  Mr.  Linton  know  of  it,  or  did  vou  explain  it 
to  him? 

-L  Jt  was  that  eontemplated  hy  (iovernor  lUount  and  myself. 
Mr.  Liston,  as  far  as  1  know,  and  helieve.  had  no  knowlidue  of  it, 
nor  was  it  our  intention  to-ive  him  any.  1  did  not  think  it  proper 
for  liim  to  he  ae«|Uainted  w  itii  it  ;  the  intention  heini:  to  applv, 
not  to  him,  hut  tt>  the  British  (Jovernment. 

IG.  Jn  your  e(»nversation  with  Ciovernor  Llount,  at  New  York, 
you  expressed  your  re<:ret  lliat  Louisiana  did  not  helon;,'  to  Ku\i- 
land,  since  the  value  of  laiids  in  the  ^\'estorn  countrv  would,  in 
that  case.  l>e  increased  ;  was  this  the  (irst  time  you  had  contem- 
lilated  or  expressed  that  idea? 

A.  It  was  not.  1  had  rellected  on  the  idea  before,  but  had 
never  mentioned  it  verbally  to  any  j)erson  ;  nor  in  writin;:,  exci]>t 
once,  and  that  was  in  u  letter  to  a  gentleman  in  Enjj;land.  This 
letter,  however,  merely  stated  the  i)ossession  of  those  countries  by 
Eu'dand  as  a  desirable  thin''. 


48  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

17.  What  was  the  nature  and  object  of  the  business  contem- 
plated between  William  Blount  and  you  ? 

A.  Nothing  precise  or  definite  had  been  agreed  on.  Much  was 
to  depend  on  the  result  of  Governor  Blount's  inquiries  and  obser- 
vations, upon  which  I  never  received  any  communication  from 
him.  But  the  general  object  was  to  prevent  Louisiana  and  the 
Floridas  from  passing  into  the  hands  of  France,  pursuant  to  the 
supposed  cession  b}^  Spain  ;  and  to  make  propositions  to  the  Brit- 
ish Government  in  that  view. 

18.  What  were  the  propositions  intended  to  be  made  to  the  Brit- 
ish Government? 

A.  On  this  head,  also,  nothing  definite  had  been  agreed  upon. 
Had  Governor  Blount  gone  to  England,  he  would  of  course  have 
proposed  his  own  terms  ;  had  I  gone,  I  should  have  received  his 
instructions.  This  would  have  been  settled  in  the  interview  Avhich 
I  proposed  between  us,  had  it  taken  place.  Had  I  gone  without 
seeing  him,  I  should  have  waited  in  England  for  letters  from  him 
on  the  subject. 

19.  Was  it  not  understood  that  William  Blount  and  yourself 
were  to  use  your  personal  efforts  and  influence  to  prevent  the  sup- 
posed cession  of  Louisiana  by  Spain  to  France  from  being  carried 
into  effect  ? 

A.  This  was  certainly  our  object ;  and  every  means,  both  in  this 
country  and  Euroj^e,  would,  of  course,  have  been  employed  by  us 
for  its  accomplishment. 

20.  Was  it  not  proposed  that  Great  Britain  should  send  a  force 
into  that  country  for  this  purpose  ? 

A.  To  ascertain  whether  they  would  do  this,  was  the  express 
object  of  Governor  Blount's  intended  visit  to  Europe. 

21.  Was  it  understood  that,  in  case  circumstances  should  re- 
quire it.  Governor  Blount  and  his  Western  friends  were  to  make 
active  efforts  in  co-operation  with  the  British  forces  wliicli  might 
be  sent  there  ? 

A.  When  Governor  Blount  and  mvself  parted  at  New  York, 
the  understanding  between  us  was,  that  he  should  go  to  J']ugland. 
Nothing  was  then  said,  or  has  since  passed  between  us,  on  the 
subject  of  this  interrogatory  ;  nor  have  I  any  direct  knowledge  of 
his  views  on  that  head. 

22.  What  part  were  the  Indians  and  AVestern  people  to  act  in 
this  business  ;  and  in  what  manner  were  they  to  be  used  in  its  ex- 
ecution? Was  a  co-operation  by  force  from  the  territories  of  the 
United  States  contemplated? 


LIFE    or    WILLIA>[  BLOUNT.  49 

A.  As  to  Iiidiiins,  tliciv  was  UDtliiu.ij:  particularly  said  about 
them,  nor  had  I  any  idea  of  their  bcinj^  employed.  To  keep  them 
quiet  was  all  suppt)sed  to  be  intended,  or  advisable.  The  West- 
ern people,  aeeording  to  my  view  of  the  subject,  were  to  be  ren- 
dered favorable  to  the  possession  of  the  Floridas  and  Louisiana 
by  the  British,  and  disposed  to  emigrate  there,  and  assist  in  hold- 
ing the  country,  should  the  reduction  take  place.  No  co-opera- 
tion of  forces  was  nientioned  by  Governor  Blount,  nor  have  I  any 
knowledge  of  his  precise  intentions  as  to  either  tlie  Western  peo- 
ple or  the  Indians.  All  tliis,  as  I  understood  the  matter,  was  de- 
pendent on  his  observations  and  inquiries  in  the  Western  coun- 
try, on  which  su))ject  I  have  had  no  inft)rmation  from  him. 

2.!.  What  part  was  William  Blount  to  bear  in  this  business.  an<l 
what  advantage  or  emolument  was  it  understood  that  he,  ami  oth- 
ers who  might  favor  or  aid  it,  were  to  derive  from  its  accomplish- 
ment ? 

^-l.  I  have  no  doul)t  that  Governor  Blount  had  iiigh  expecta- 
tions of  emolument  and  command,  in  case  the  project  should  suc- 
ceed, but  nothing  definite  on  this  sultject  was  spoken  of  between 
liim  and  me ;  and,  from  the  nature  of  the  business,  every  tiling 
must  have  dei^cnded  on  the  arrangement  to  be  made  in  London 
with  the  British  Government. 

24.  Did  William  Blount  ever  apply  to  those  i»ersons  of  import- 
ance in  and  out  of  the  Government  whom  it  was  agreed  he  should 
sound  on  this  subject? 

A.  I  do  not  knowthathe  ever  ilid  ;!]tply  to  any  of  them.  I  had 
no  information  from  him  on  this  point. 

25.  In  one  of  your  letters  to  William  Blount  you  urge  the  pro- 
priety of  his  appearing  to  have  no  comiection  with  land  schemes 

or  commerce  in .     What    i)laee    was   meant,   and   why  was 

caution  recommended  ? 

-I.  England  was  the  place  meant,  and  the  caution  proceeded 
from  an  opinion  in  me,  that  the  dignity  and  imjiortanee  (»f  char- 
acter which  it  was  desiralde  for  Governor  Blount  to  maintain  in 
England,  would  be  lessened  l>y  his  a])pearing  to  be  eoneerned  in 
commerce  or  the  sale  of  lands. 

2G.  In  another  part  of  the  correspondence  between  M'illiain 
Blount  and  yourself,  you  tell  him  that  it  would  be  proper  to  keep 
his  business  in  England  secret  iVom  Mr.  King.  What  was  the  rea- 
son of  this  caution  ? 

A.  The  reason  is  explained  in  the  letter  itself  whicli  contains 
the  caution.     It  is  possible  that  I  may  have  had  some  further  rea- 


50  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

sons  than  are  there  expressed.     But  I  have  no  accurate  or  perfect 
recollection  on  the  subject. 

27.  In  one  of  your  letters  to  William  Blount  you  mention  a  pa- 
per which  you  had  draAvn  up  on  the  subject  of  your  business,  to 
be  left  for  him,  in  case  you  should  sail  for  Europe  without  a  per- 
sonal interview,  and  which  you  wished  him  to  possess,  but  do  not 
choose  to  send.  Where  is  that  paper,  and  what  were  its  purport 
and  substance  ? 

A.  The  only  copy  which  now  exists  was  sent  l»y  me  to  Eng- 
land, directed  to  myself  some  time  in  May  or  June.  It  contained 
a  variety  of  notes,  reflections,  and  cautions,  relative  to  the  busi- 
ness coijtemplated  between  me  and  Governor  Blount,  which  had 
occurred  to  me  after  he  left  Philadelphia  in  the  spring,  on  his  re- 
turn to  Tennessee,  but  I  cannot  state  the  particulars.  They  were 
reflections  which  occurred  to  me  at  various  times,  wlien  thinking 
on  the  subject,  and  were  noted  down  as  they  occurred,  to  stn-ve 
myself  and  Governor  Blount  as  hints  and  memoranda  in  the  i)ro- 
gress  of  the  business.  One  copy  I  sent  to  England  for  my  own 
use  when  I  should  arrive  there.  Another  I  retained  for  Governor 
Blount,  but  afterwards  de-troyed  when  I  conceived  tlie  l)usiness 
to  be  at  an  end.     Tliey  were  never  seen  by  him. 

28.  Do  you  know  any  other  matter  or  thing  wliicli,  in  your 
opinion,  is  material  to  the  objects  of  this  examination?  If  yea, 
declare  it  fully. 

A.  The  foregoing  depositions  and  answers  C(Mitain  all  that  I 
know  on  the  subject;  and,  aided  by  the  correspondence  now  in 
possession  of  the  Committee,  will,  I  presume,  furnish  them  with 
every  idea  respecting  it  in  my  power  to  communicate. 

Nicolas  Romayne. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

'0.)ntinaatioa  of  the  Tcdlmony — Deposition  of  William  Davy — Letter 
from  Thomas  Da ry,  dated  London,  Sept.  l;>,  1707 — Deposition  of 
George  Lesher. 

Doc.  C  D,  is  the  depoisition  of  William  Davy  Ix-fore  the  Com- 
mittee, July  lo,  1797.     The  following  are  the  i)rineipal  jjoints: 

Mr.  Davy  was  interested  in  a  vessel  about  to  sail  for  London, 
but,  as  a  security  against  capture,  she  was  cleared  for  Hamburg. 
Of  this  tact  Mr.  Davy  informed  the  British  Minister,  Mr.  Liston. 
A  few  days  after,  Mr.  Liston's  secretary,  Mr.  Thornton,  called  on 
deponent  and  asked  him  to  take  a  confidential  person  to  Englaml. 
Mr.  Thornton  told  deponent  that  this  person  would  carry  de- 
spatches which  would  be  leaded,  so  as  to  be  sunk  in  case  of  cap- 
ture ;  but  he  did  not  state  the  nature  of  the  despatclies.  Mr.  Davy 
consented  to  take  the  messenger.  Some  days  after,  the  messenger 
arrived.  He  was  a  hardy,  lusty,  brawny,  weather-beaten  man. 
He  conversed  with  Mr.  Davy  with  the  utmost  freedom.  He  told 
him  without  reserve  the  o])ject  of  his  mission.  He  said  that  he 
was  a  back-countryman ;  that  he  had  lived  long  among  the  In- 
dians, and  was  with  them  during  the  last  war;  that  he  was  well 
known  to  the  Spandiards  ;  that  his  name  was  Captain  Chisholm  ; 
that  he  had  been  an  intepreter  to  the  Indians  last  winter  in  this 
city ;  that  the  Spaniards  had  frequently  imprisoned  and  treated 
him  cruelly  in  Pensacola  ;  that  they  dreaded  him,  and  he  hated 
them,  and  was  now  determined  to  take  his  full  revenge  on  them. 
He  said  that  his  influence  was  such  with  the  Indians,  that  he  could 
do  with  them  as  he  pleased  ;  that  he  knew  every  part  of  the  Mi.ssis- 
sii>pi;  that  there  was  no  man  in  America  who  knew  the  forts  and 
their  exact  situation  so  well  as  himself,  and  that  he  was  now  going 
to  London  to  accompany  and  conduct  a  squadron  to  the  attack  of 
Pensacola.  The  deponent  was  afraid  of  trusting  such  a  person  on 
Ids  brig,  and  stated  his  fears  to  Chisholm.  Chisholm  stated  that 
lie  was  furnished  with  other  papers  to  cover  his  designs,  and 
showed  to  deponent  a  number  of  letters,  unsealed,  from  Mr.  Lis- 
ton to  persons  in  Hamburg,  stating  him  to  be  a  person  going  there 
on  a  land  speculation.  Chisholm  also  exhibited  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Liston  for  a  person  in  London,  whom  the  deponent  supposed  to 
be  either  one  of  the  Under  Secretaries  of  State  or  Mr.  Liston's  pri- 


52  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM  BLOUNT. 

vate  agent,  calling  him  "  the  person  of  whom  I  have  written  to  you 
relative  to  the  land  business."  The  brig  was  prevented  from  sail- 
ing on  the  day  first  intended,  mnd  Sunday,  INIarch  19th,  was  fixed 
positively  for  her  sailing.  Deponent  was  surprised  to  learn  that 
Chisholm  Avas  still  in  town  after  the  time  fixed  for  sailing.  He 
then  went  to  Mr.  Liston,  informed  him  of  his  apprehensions  and 
stated  to  him  the  imprudence  of  entrusting  matters  of  importance 
to  such  a  babbler.  He  also  stated  to  Mr.  Liston  that  Chisholm 
had  shown  him  his  (Liston's)  letters.  Deponent  and  Mr.  Liston 
started  out  to  hunt  up  Chisholm  that  night.  They  found  him  at 
Lesher's  Tavern,  corner  of  Second,  and  Arch,  vociferating  among  a 
crowd  of  Frenchmen.  They  called  him  out  and  expressed  their 
surprise  that  he  had  not  gone  on  the  brig.  Chisholm  informed 
them  that  the  vessel  had  not  sailed.  It  was  now  between  ton  and 
eleven  o'clock.  Mr.  Liston  went  home  and  deponent  made  fur- 
ther inquiries  and  ascertained  that  the  vessel  had  not  sailed.  He 
returned  to  Mr.  Liston  with  this  information,  and  again  Avarned 
him  against  Chisholm.  Mr.  Liston  thereupon  immediately  wi;ote 
a  letter  to  Mr.  George  Hammond,  Under  Secretary  of  State,  which 
he  read  to  Mr.  Davy.  It  conveyed  a  caution  against  Chisholm. 
Mr.  Liston  told  deponent  that  Chisholm  had  come  to  him  with 
j)ropositions  upon  which  he  had  no  power  to  act,  but  thought  him- 
self obliged  to  refer  him  to  his  Government.  Soon  after  the  vessel 
sailed.  Mr.  Liston  paid  for  Chisholm's  passage.  Chisholm  Avrote 
letters  to  the  deponent  from  the  Capes.  He  was  "  thunderstruck  " 
to  receive  an  open  letter  from  him  directed  to  Governor  Blount. 
Deponent  read  the  letter  and  took  it  to  Mr.  Liston.  It  contained 
only  in  general  terms  the  information  that  all  was  going  on  well. 
He  sealed  it  and  delivered  it. 

Doc.  C  D,  No.  2,  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  from  Thomas  Dav}^ 
London,  Sept.  13,  1797,  stating  that  Chisholm  had  arrived,  and 
that  he  (Davy)  had  ascertained  by  inquiry  made  at  Lord  Gren- 
ville's  office  that  his  plan  had  not  been  acceded  to,  but  that  he 
had  been  liberally  supplied  with  money. 

Doc.  E  F,  is  tlie  deposition  before  the  House  Committee  of 
George  Lesher,  July  19,  1797. 

Lesher  was  the  keeper  of  the  tavern  where  Mesers.  Liston  and 
Davy  found  Chisholm.  Lesher  says  that  Chisholm  made  the 
same  exposure  of  his  plans  to  him  that  he  did  to  Davy.  He 
states  further  that  while  Chisholm  lodged  at  his  house  he  was  ar- 
rested for  a  debt  of  S400,  whicli  Cbisholm  afterwards  paid,  as  he 
alleged,  by  a  note  wliich  he  liad  received  from  Mr.  Bond,  the  Brit- 
ish Consul. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Continuation  of  the   Testimony — Deposition  of   William   Bell — Letter 
from  Mr.  Pickering,  Secretary  oj  State,  to  the  House  Committee. 

Doc.  G  H,  is  the  deposition  of  Willium  Bell,  July  27,  1707, 
taken  before  the  Committci!. 

It  was  at  Bell's  suit  that  Chisholm  had  been  arrested  for  the 
$400  as  stated  in  the  last  deposition.  Bell  says  that  "  he  never 
received  from  Chisholm  any  note  or  bill  of  Mr.  Bond's  in  pay- 
ment, nor  did  Chisholm  ever  mention  Mr.  Bond  to  tlie  deponent 
at  all." 

Doc.  I  K,  No.  11,  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  Pickering  to  the  House 
Committee.     It  reads  in  full  as  follows  : 

"  Ppiiladelphia,  July  26,  1797. 

"  Gentlemen  :  In  a  note  received  from  Mr.  Harper,  I  was  re- 
quested to  put  into  writing,  for  the  use  of  the  Committee,' the  sub- 
stance of  my  conversation  with  Mr.  Liston,  the  British  Minister, 
particularly  that  part  which  relates  to  the  correspondence  with 
Dr.  Romayne.     I  give  it  as  follows  : 

'•  When  the  Spanish  Minister,  tlie  Chevalier  Dynijo,  Jiad  for- 
mally expressed  to  me  his  suspicion  that  an  expedition  was  i)re- 
paring  on  the  I^akes,  on  the  part  of  the  P^nglish,  the  olyect  of 
which  was  to  attack  Upper  Louisiana,  I  mentioned  it  to  Mr.  Lis- 
ton. He  instantly  answered  that  he  ha<l  no  knowledge  of  any 
such  })reparations.  I  remarked  that  to  me  the  project  suggested 
did  not  bear  the  resemblance  of  probability  ;  that  very  great  em- 
barrassments must  be  encountered  in  transporting  troops,  cannon, 
stores,  and  provisions,  from  Canada  to  the  Mississippi,  and  besides 
that  the  British  had  not  nithat  country  a  force  that  was  adefpiate 
to  the  execution  of  such  a  plan. 

"At  a  subsequent  period — I  am  inclined  to  think  it  was  in  the 
latter  part  of  April,  after  the  Spanish  Minister  had  repeated  his 
suspicion  of  an  expedition  intended  from  Canada  against  Upper 
Louisiana,  and  which  I  again  mentioned  to  Mr.  Liston,  the  latter 
again  said  that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  such  a  design.  But  he 
added  that  a  proposal  had  been  made  to  him  of  an  expedition  to 
the  Southward,  against  the  Spanish  possessions,  but  which  he  had 
no  power  to  authorize.  And,  as  to  General  Clark,  of  Georgia,  to 
whom  the  Si)anish  Minister  said  he  certainly  knew  tliat  proposi- 


54  LIFK   OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

tions  had  been  made  by  the  British,  rehitive  to  an  attack  on  tho 
Floridas,  he  (Mr.  Listen)  did  not  recollect  ever  to  have  heard  of 
tlie  man,  and  certainly  that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  any  such 
propositions. 

"Mr.  Liston  has  intbnnt'd  me  that  when  he  objected  to  the  pro- 
ject of  an  expedition  against  the  Spanish  territories  at  the  South- 
ward, because,  on  the  plan  of  the  projector,  it  could  not  be  at- 
tempted Avithout  violating  tlie  ncntral  riglits  of  the  United  States, 
the  projector  answered,  that  the  men  going  from  the  United  States- 
would  march  unarmed^  and  not  take  arms  until  they  should  be 
within  the  Spanish  territory.  When  he  told  the  projector  that  he- 
(Mr.  Liston)  had  no  authority  to  institute  sucli  an  (.'xpedition,  he 
asked  if  the  Governor  or  (xeneral  commanding  in  Canada  could 
not  authorize  it.  To  this  ^Ir.  Liston  answered  that  the  Governor 
doubtless  possessed  certain  military  powers,  l)ut  lu;  presumed  that 
lie  would  not  think  himself  authorized  to  direct  the  execution  ot* 
a  pdan  of  this  kind  ;  and  all  that  he  (Mr.  Liston)  could  do  would 
be  to  wrirc  to  the  Uritish  (lovernmcnt  and  await  its  answer.  whic.Ii 
indeed  might  i)e  long  in  coming,  or  might  not  come  at  all,  partly 
on  account  of  the  important  objects  which  eu'i;igcd  its  attention, 
and  partly  on  account  of  the  str(mg  objections  to  the  i)roject  itself. 
This  was  al)OUt  the  beginning  of  January  last.  The  answer  not 
arriving  as  soon  as  the  eagerness  of  the  jirojector  expected,  he  l)e- 
came  impatient,  and  was  extremely  pressing  to  go  to  England  to- 
obtain  in  person  an  answer  from  the  British  Govermuent,  to  which^ 
Mr.  Liston  said,  he  with  much  reluctance  consented. 

"I  asked  Mr.  Liston  if  a  trading  scheme  formed  any  part  of  the 
l)voject  Avhich  had  been  i)roposed  to  him.  He  answered  in  the 
alhrmative. 

"Governor  Blount  having,  in  his  letter  io  Carey,  expressed  his- 
doubts  whether  Chisholm  was  gone  to  England,  I  asked  ^h:  Lis- 
ton of  the  fact.  He  answered  that  he  was  certainly  gone  ;  that  he 
had  embarked  in  a  vessel  for  Philadelphia;  that  lie  (Mr.  Liston) 
had  paid  for  his  passage  :  and  that  he  had  seen  letters  brought  hy 
the  pilot,  received  from  ("hishobn  wlien  he  was  lar  down  the  Del- 
aware, or  at  the  Ca])es. 

"  Having  learnt  from  the  Colli  luiltee,  or  some  of  its  members,  that 
they  had  received  information  that  Chisholm  had  said  that  he 
discharged  a  deijt  for  which  he  had  become  engaged  (I  think  for 
Governor  Blount)  by  making  some  sacrifices  on  a  note  or  obliga- 
tion from  Mr.  liond,  the  ]iritish  Consul,  1  mentioned  the  circum- 
stance to  Mr.    Liston,    who   answered  that   he  knew  of  no  such 


LTFK  OK  wn.i.iAM    uLorvr.  r).3 

tllin.L^  and  tliat  lie  never  eoTuniunic.ated  to  Mr.  Bond  any  inl'«>i-iiia- 
tion  of  tlu'  itroji't't  in  (iiiestion.  Afterwards  (J  lielieve  on  the  sec- 
ond day)  I  met  Mr.  Liston,  when  he  told  me  that  he  lia<l  men- 
tioned to  Mr.  liond  the  story  of  Ids  note  or  ohlij^ation  toChis- 
hohu.  Mr.  Bonil  stud  lie  hud  never  jjiven  either;  tliat  he  had 
never  paid  him  any  money  or  even  knew  the  name.  .\s  thi.s 
story,  however,  ti'nded  to  excite  a  suspicion  that  other  nmneys 
miirht  have  hi'cn  paid  to  Chishohn  hy  Mr.  IJsti.n.  <,v  hy  his  di- 
rections, I  asUed  him  if  he  had  ever  |)aid  anythinir  to  ur  I'oi-  Chis- 
hohn besides  his  passajze  money.  lie  answered  that  he  had  not  ; 
that  even  his  passa;;e-money  was  not  paid  into  the  hands  of  Chis- 
holm.  hut  to  the  master  or  owner  of  the  vessel  in  whieli  lie  em- 
harked.  I'.ut  as  Chisholm,  <.n  his  arrival  in  Lcnduii  ;i  p,-rfeet 
stranixer,  would  need  some  money  for  liis  iiiinie(li;ite  support,  he 
(Mr.  Liston)  oave  him  a  draft  on  his  haukn-  for  twenty  pound.s 
sterliii'j:  :  hut  whether  this  has  het'U  actually  paid  to  him  or  not, 
.Mr.  Liston  has  not  received  information.  And  in  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Hammond  concernino;  Chishohn's  voyaj^^e,  Mr.  Ijistou  said  he  had 
intimated  the  necessity  of  paying:  for  his  passage  hack  to  .Vnn  r- 
ica  :  ajiolojiizinj;  for  i)ermitting  him  to  go  to  England  hy  saying 
that  the  whole  would  he  an  expense  of  only  about  a  hundred 
jxiunds.  Mr.  Liston  added  that  these  were  all  the  moneys  ever 
paid  or  promised  hy  him  to  any  person  or  persons  conccrnetl  in 
the  project  in  ijuesiion. 

"With  respect  to  Dr.  Uomayne.  Mr.  Liston  informed  me  that  atlay 
or  two  heibre  he  left  London  in  March,  17i)<),  he  breakfasted  with 
the  American  ^linister,  and  foinid  there  Dr.  Romayne,  of  New 
York,  who  was  introduced  to  him  b\-  .Mr.  i'inekney.  That  this 
circumstance,  with  the  Doctoi-"s  civility,  and  the  strain  iA'  his  con- 
versation, led  him  to  ibrm  a  lavorable  opinion  of  his  character. 
That  he  never  <au-  him  before,  nor  has  since  seen  him.  That  ho 
did  not  know  of  his  return  from  luu-o])c  until  towards  the  latter 
])art  of  last  April,  and  a  i'ew  days  after  ("hisholm  had  eml»arked 
Ibr  Kngland.  when  wil-i  some  surprise  iie  received  a  letter  from 
the  Doctor,  dated  th<'  1  1th  of  that  month. 

"That  in  this  h-nw  the  Doctor  reminded  him  of  their  interview 
at  Mr.  Pinekiuy's,  expressed  his  gt)od  wislus.  and  alluding,  as  it 
ai)pcared  to  Mr.  Liston,  though  in  covered  terms,  to  the  project  of 
an  exjiedition  to  be  undertaken  with  the  aid  of  persons  resident 
within  the  United  Stiites,  and  to  certain  matters  that  had  l»een 
discussed  l)etween  the  British  ^linister  and  some  of  the  ))ar- 
ties,  mentioned  the  delicacy  of  Mr.   Liston's   situation,  cautioned 


.56  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

liim  against  interfering  in  a  business  tliat  could  not,  with  propri- 
ety, be  patronized  by  a  person  in  a  public  character,  and  particu- 
larly put  him  upon  his  guard  against  certain  men  who  had  made 
application  to  him  upon  the  subject,  and  who,  the  Doctor  said, 
were  not  to  be  trusted.  That  Dr.  Komayne  named  no  one,  but 
hinted  that,  if  he  had  an  opportunity  of  communicating  with  Mr. 
Liston,  he  miglit  enter  into  further  particulars. 

"  Mr.  Liston  said  that,  as  he  had  already  reasons  to  doubt  the 
good  faith  of  some  of  those  Avho  had  come  to  talk  with  him  on  the 
business,  he  was  still  more  apprehensive  in  consequence  of  the  sus- 
picion thrown  out  by  Dr.  Eomayne,  and  had  become  anxious  to 
•draw  from  him  further  explanations,  especially  with  regard  to 
individuals. 

"  He  therefore  wrote  the  Doctor,  on  the  28th  of  April,  the  letter 
"svhich  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Committee,  calculated,  as  he 
thought,  for  this  purpose,  as  it  was  meant  to  inspire  confidence  by 
telling  the  truth.  Tliat  the  mention  in  the  letter  of  sending  a  per- 
son of  consequence  to  the  scene  of  action,  Mr.  Liston  said,  was 
occasioned  by  a  passage  in  the  Doctor's  letter  to  him,  in  which  he 
seemed  particularly  to  dissuade  from  a  step  of  this  nature,  falsely 
supposing  that  Mr.  Liston  had  already  taken  some  resolution  in 
respect  to  it.  Mr.  Liston  said  that,  concerning  the  sending  of  such 
a  confidential  person  to  be  a  necessary  preliminary  in  case  the 
project  received  attention  in  England,  he  stated  this  opinion,  in  a 
few  words,  to  the  Doctor,  in  the  hope  of  inducing  him  to  give  his 
sentiments  fully  on  that  i)()int.  But  that  ho  (Mr.  Liston)  had 
been  disappointed  in  the  Doctor's  answer,  which  did  not  give  the 
frank  communication  which  he  desired  ;  that  his  gtyle  was  still 
mysterious;  that  he  seemed  to  have  misunderstood -what  was 
written  to  him,  and  avoided  entering  into  any  detail.  That  Mr. 
Liston  did  not  reply,  and  that  here  the  correspondence  ended. 

"  I  have  been  enabled  to  detail  so  many  particulars  on  this  sub- 
ject of  Dr.  Romayne's  correspondence  by  conversing  with  Mr.  Lis- 
ton again,  since  the  Committee's  request  was  communicated  to  me 
by  Mr.  Harper.  On  my  hinting  to  him  the  wish  of  the  Commit- 
tee, which  I  did  immediately  on  receiving  Mr.  Sitgreaves'  letter  of 
the  13th  instant,  to  be  possessed  of  Dr.  Romayne's  letter  to  which 
Mr.  Liston's  was  an  answer,  he  said  it  was  destroyed. 

"  In  the  same  letter  the  Committee  expressed  their  desire  to  see 
Lord  Grenville's  letter,  which  I  informed  them  Mr.  Liston  had 
shown  me,  and  intimated  that  a  copy  of  it  would  be  convenient. 
I  have  already  shown  you  the  original  by  Mr.  Liston's  consent ; 


Lll'K    ur    WILLIAM     HLnlNT.  57 

and  I  now  enclose  a  copy,  to;^ctlicr  with  a  copy  of  the  note  in 
W'hicli  Mr.  Liston  sent  it  to  me,  to  show  under  what  reserve  it  was 
suhniitted,  viz  :  That  it  should  not  beexhihited  to  prove  the  crim- 
inality of  any  of  the  persons  concerned  in  tlie  plan  in  question; 
for  which  reason  I  have  left  a  blank  in  the  copy  where  the  name 
of  one  of  those  persons  was  introduced. 

"I  return  the  original  letter  of  April  28th,  from  Mr.  Liston  to  Dr. 
Romayne,  which  was  found  among  the  papers  of  the  latter. 
"I  am,  gentlemen,  very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"  Timothy  Pickering." 
Samuel  Sitgreaves,  &c., 

Commitlee,  &c. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Continuation  of  the  Testimony — Note  from  Mr.  Lidon  which  accompa- 
nied Lord  Grenville's  Letter — Lord  Greaville's  Letter,  dated  Down- 
ing Street,  London,  April  8,  1797 — Depositions  of  George  Turnery 
Elisha  B.  Hoplcim,  Dr.  Charles  Buxton,  aud  John  Franklin. 

The  following  is  the  note  from  'Mr.  Liston  which  aeconipanied 
Lord  Grenville's  letter : 

Philadelphia,  ,/(////  15,  1797. 

R.  Liston  presents  his  compliments  to  Col.  Pickcrinji,  Secretary 
of  State : 

I  have  the  honor  of  enclosing,  according  to  your  desire,  Lord 
Grenville's  original  despatch  to  me  respecting  the  proposal  for  an 
attack  on  a  part  of  the  Spanish  territories  in  North  America  ;  and 
you  have  my  leave  to  show  it  to  the  President,  and  to  make  what 
other  use  of  its  contents  you  may,  in  your  discretion,  judge  expe- 
dient ;  always  with  the  reserve,  whicli  I  am  confident  you  will 
not  think  it  improper  I  should  ])Ut  in,  tliat  it  shall  not  he  exhib- 
ited to  prove  the  criminality  of  any  of  X\iv  persons  concerned  in 
the  plan  in  question. 

No.  6,  is  Lord  Grenville's  letter.     It  is  as  follows : 

Downing  Strkkt,  April  S,  1797. 

Sir:  In  answer  to  your  despatches  Nos.  2  ami  '!.  I  liave  to  in- 
form j'^ou  that  the  proposal  which  has  been  made  to  you  by  Mr. 

,   as  mentioned  in  these    despatches,  for    endeavoring    to 

wrest  the  two  Floridas  from  Spain,  has  been  taken  into  considera- 
tion by  His  Majesty's  confidt'ntial  scMwants,  but  it  has  not  l)een 
thought  expedient  to  accede  to  it  or  to  adopt  any  measures  for 
carrying  it  into  execution. 

Without  (>ntering  into  a  detail  of  t!ic  various  considerations 
that  have  led  to  this  decision,  I  think  it  im  rely  necessary  to  ob- 
serve that,  exclusively  of  tlie  inadc(|Uaey  of  the  means  to  the  end 
proposed,  the  two  o1)jections  which  have  oeeun'e(l  to  yourself,  the 
necessity  of  employing  the  Indians,  and  the  impro[iriety  of  orig- 
inating within  the  United  States  any  hostile  expedition  against  a 
nation  with  which  they  are  at  peace,  are  of  sufiicient  magnitude 
to  counterbalance  the  advantages  which  are  likely  to  result  from 
the  execution  of  such  a  plan. 


LIKK    OK    WILLIAM   HLor.NT.  5{> 

1  have,  tiuT(.'lori',  to  si^iiily  to  you  tlif  KiiiL^'s  pk-asurc,  that  voii 

take  an  early  o|)i)ortunity  of  infonnin.^  Mr. tliat  you  have 

submitted  his  (lesi«rn  to  His  Majesty's  (Jovernment,  l)Ut  that  it  has 
not  been  tliou.uht  advisable  to  all'ord  any  assistance  tVoni  this 
country  towards  earryinjj  it  into  eflect. 

I  am,  with  jzreat  trutli  and  rejrard,  sir,  your  most  obedient, 
liumble  servant, 

(8i«;ned),  ,  Gkknvilli:. 

Robert  Listox,  Esq. 

Doc.  L  ^r,  is  the  deposition  of  George  Turner  liefon-  the  Com- 
nnttee,  September  5,  1797. 

Deponent  states  that  Governor  IJlount  made  inquiries  of  him 
relative  to  the  Spanish  force  on  the  Mississii)pi,  and  that  ])art  of 
the  information  he  gave  him  is  contained  in  the  pa])er  marketl 
''  Memoranda  of  Force,"  endorsed  "  Jud-ze  Turner,"  and  in  jjosses- 
sion  of  the  Committee. 

Doc.  N  O,  is  the  dei)Osition  of  l-'bsha  II.  iro|)kins  lieforc^  the 
Committee,  July  14,  17U7  : 

The  deponent  said  that  he  was  in  the  hat>it  of  being  at  Gover- 
nor Blount's  boarding  house  every  day.  That  on  one  occasion 
Chisholm  took  Blount  out  and  they  had  some  private  conversa- 
tion ;  that  on  his  returning  Governor  Blount  asked  deponent  if  lie 
thought  such  a  man  as  that  should  have  address  enough  to  intro- 
duce himself  to  the  British  Minister.  Deponent  said  he  thought 
his  appearance  and  manners  were  against  him.  This  took  ] dace 
•  luring  the  last  winter.  In  March,  after  deponent  and  Mr.  Allison, 
the  proprietor  of  the  house,  Avere  in  a  room,  when  Chisholm  and 
]Uount  came,  and  linding  the  room  occupied,  retired  to  an  oflice 
in  front  of  the  houj^e.  Soon  after.  Governor  Blount  returned  and 
said  to  deponent  that  that  man  (Chisholm)  had  so  ingratiated 
himself  with  the  British  Minister  as  to  have  the  ))romise  of  a  liou- 
tenant-ct)loners  commission,  and  tliat  lie  was  going  to  England. 
Deponent  was  afterwards  informed  by  a  friend  that  the  news  was 
that  there  was  going  to  be  an  expedition  against  P^ast  Florida. 
Deponent  wished  to  commmunicate  his  information  to  the  Span- 
ish Mini.ster.  He  expressed  this  desire  to  one  Hiehard  Smyth, 
who  said  that  he  was  intimate  with  the  Minister.  Nothing  came 
of  his  eflbrt  to  sec  the  Spanish  Minister.  Deponent  suspected 
Smyth,  and  also  Colonel  .lohn  M(  Intosh,  as  luing  connected  with 
this  expedition. 

Doc.  P  Q,  is  the  deposition  before  the  Connnittee  of  Dr.  Charhg 
Buxton,  July  20,  1797. 


60  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

Deponent  says  that  he  had  read  a  letter  to  Dr.  Romayne,  he 
thinks  from  Sir  WilHam  Pulteney,  in  which  ^Mr.  Liston  is  men- 
tioned, and  the  Doctor  advised  to  consult  with  him,  as  the  name 
of  a  ^linister  would  have  more  weight  in  England  than  that  of  an 
individual.  Romayne  told  deponent  that  he  expected  to  acquire 
a  large  amount  of  land  in  the  Western  or  Southern  country,  and 
promised  deponent  an  advantageous  appointment.  This  was  in 
May.     Deponent  did  not  know  what  Dr.  Romayne's  plan  was. 

Doc.  R  S,  is  the  deposition  of  John  Franklin  before  the  House 
Committee,  September  2,  1797. 

Deponent  says  that  in  December,  1796,  he  took  lodgings  at 
Lesher's  Tavern.  That  at  the  same  time  came  also  to  the  same 
house  Captain  Chisholm,  with  twenty-two  Cherokee  Indians ;  that 
Carey  and  Rogers  were  at  the  same  house  part  of  the  winter.  De- 
ponent did  not  recollect  the  Christian  names  of  Chisholm,  Carey 
or  Rogers.  Chisholm  complained  that  the  Indians  had  been  bad- 
ly treated  by  the  Government,  and  that  he  would  not  be  suprised 
if  they  commenced  hostilities  on  their  return.  Chisholm  made 
the  same  exposure  of  his  plans  to  deponent  that  he  made  to  Davy 
and  Lesher.  The  deponent  understood  from  Chisholm  that  Gover- 
nor Blount  was  in  the  plan. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Continuation  of  the  Testimony — The  Examination  of  James  Carey  and 
the  Deposition  of  James  Carey  taken  before  the  lion.  John  Mc- 
Nairy,  Judge  of  the  Didrict  of  Tennessee. 

Doc.  T  U,  No.  1,  is  the  examination  of  James  Carey,  in  presence 
of  Benjamin  Hawkins,  Colonel  lienly,  Mr.  Dinsmoor.  and  Lieut. 
Wright,  on  the  intercepted  letter. 

Question  1.  How  came  you  in  possession  of  the  letter  from  Wil- 
liam Blount?     Narrate  the  whole. 

Answer  1.  Major  -James  Grant,  about  the  20th  of  May,  heing  at 
the  public  store,  informed  me  he  had  a  letter  for  me  from  my 
friend  Governor  Blount,  and  he  would  deliver  it  to  me.  We  went 
down  to  the  creek  side ;  he  then  delivered  the  letter,  and  when  I  read 
it  I  was  uneasy.  The  hand  was  difficult  to  read  ;  he  said  he  would 
help  me,  and  did  so.  I  must  remark  that  in  putting  me  right  he 
did  so  without  reading  after  me,  which  surprised  me,  as  I  knew 
thereby  he  knew  the  contents. 

Q.  2.  "Among  other  things  that  I  wislied  to  see  you  aljout  was 
the  business  that  Captain  Cliisholm  mentioned  to  the  British 
Minister  last  winter  in  Philadelphia."  What  was  this  business? 
It  appears  l)y  the  manner  this  is  Avritten,  you  have  a  knowledge 
of  it. 

.1.  2.  Captain  Chisholm  did  for  awhile  live  with  me  in  Philadel- 
phia, but  changed  his  lodgings  ;  I  was,  after  this,  invited  by  Col- 
onel Mentges  to  dine  with  him,  and  to  take  two  Indians  with  me, 
which  I  did,  Colonel  Watts  and  Langley.  After  dinner  we  walked 
towards  Schuylkill,  and  were  overtaken  in  the  street  by  Captain 
Chisholm  in  a  coach  ;  he  invited  us  to  ride  with  hfm ;  Colonel 
Mentges  objected ;  but  at  length  being  prevailed  on,  we  got  into 
the  coach,  and  road  on  to  Schuylkill ;  there  we  drank  a  little 
wine.  On  the  return,  Mr.  Chisholm  pressed  us  again  to  go  in  the 
coach  ;  we  all  did,  except  Colonel  Mentges,  who  positively  refused. 

As  we  were  going  in  the  coach,  Chisholm  said  he  had  been  in- 
jured by  the  United  States,  and  now  he  could  have  satisliiction ; 
if  they  would  go  with  him,  he  would  show  them  at  his  lodgings  a 
paper  from  the  Minister  of  Great  Britain.  Upon  our  arrival  there 
he  opened  a  box  and  took  out  four  or  five  sheets  of  gilt  letter 
paper,  close  and  well  written,  which  he  said  was  from  the  British 
Minister  as  he  received  it.     Dick  Brown  and  John  Walker  were 


•62  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

there.  Chisholm  proposed  that  we  should  go  to  the  British  Min- 
ister's ;  Carey  refused  and  said  the  others  might  go  ;  Watts  refused 
and  said  he  came  to  do  business  with  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  not  with  the  British  ;  if  his  interpreter  refused  to,  he 
would  not  go. 

The  paper  was  read,  and  it  appeared  to  be  a  i)lan  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  Floridas.  This  was  to  be  sent  to  England,  and  tlie  re- 
turn from  the  Minister,  if  it  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  was  to  be 
sent  to  Knoxville  to  Captain  Chisholm,  or,  if  he  was  not  there,  to 
Ig.  Chisholm  ;  that  if  the  packet  arrived  to  the  Southward,  it  was 
to  be  sent  up  to  the  Cherokees  to  Captain  Chisholm,  and  if  he 
should  be  absent  it  was  to  be  delivered  to  John  Rogers.  The  pa- 
per was  not  signed,  but  there  were  the  names  of  John  Pitchlin  and 
John  Rogers  in  it ;  that  he  (Carey)  spoke  to  Pitchlin  since  about 
it,  and  he  said  he  liad  not  heard  anything  about  it,  and  Rogers 
said  it  was  not  worth  minding  Chisholm. 

Q.  3.  "  I  believe  the  plan  then  talked  of  will  be  atti'iuptcd  this 
fall."     What  was  the  plan  then  talked  of? 

^•1.  3.  It  appears  to  be  the  same  as  mentioned  in  the  first  ques- 
tion. 

Q.  4.  '•  If  the  Indians  act  their  part,  I  have  no  doubt  it  will 
■succeed."     What  part  were  the  Indians  to  act? 

A.  4.  I  cannot  answer ;  but  on  the  road  I  conjectured  that  it 
was  to  get  the  Indians  to  help  the  British,  and  I  talked  with 
Watts  and  Brown  about  it,  and  told  them  as  much.  Watts  said 
Chisholm  need  not  come  into  his  nation  with  such  talks  ;  he 
would  not  take  there.  Carey  said  we  lost  enough  already  without 
meddling  in  such  things.  Chisholm  tried  to  got  Brown,  who  is 
his  brother-in-law,  to  go  with  him  to  England,  but  Watts  dis- 
suaded him,  and  he  declined  it.  Perhaps  George  Colbert  can  give 
some  information  ;  he  was  with  us,  and  heard  us  talk  the  mutter 
over  on  the  road. 

Q,  o.  "You  are,  liowever,  to  understand  that  it  is  not  quite  cer- 
tain the  i)lan  Avill  1)0  attempted,  yet  you  will  do  well  to  keep 
things  in  a  pro}>er  train  for  action,  in  case  it  should  be  attempted; 
and  to  do  so  will  require  all  your  management." 

This  paragraph  shows  that  you  have  knowledge  of  the  plan, 
and  are  to  keep  tilings  in  i)n)per  train  for  action,  and  that  much 
reliance  is  had  upon  your  management. 

A.  5.  Answered  that  tiiis  subject  had  never  been  understood  b}' 
him. 

Q.  G.  You  arc  advised  to  send  for  Rogers,  and  to  speak  to  him 
yourself  respecting  the  state  and  prospect  of  things. 


I.ll'i:   OF    WII.I.IAM     Hr.dlNT.  63 

Tliis  implies  a  certainty  of  your  knowlcdi^c  of  (lie  j)l:iii.  aiiil 
evidences  a  coiifi(K'nee  in  your  co-opnation  ? 

J.  (i.    I  havi-  no   knowlc'd-rc  of  this. 

(I  7.  ••  In  short,  you  understand  the  suhjcci,  and  must  <,dve  out 
the  proper  talks,  to  keej)  up  iiiv  eonse(|Uenee  anion;,' the  Creeks 
and  Cherokees." 

In  this  para.uraph  you  understand  tlic  suhjeet.  and  are  relied 
on  to  keep  U])  the  eonsecpienee  of  the  writ.'r  ainonuMhe  Creeks 
and  (  'hel-okees  ? 

.1.7.  (iovernor  Hlount  re(pi(>steil  niejielorc  he  Irft  Kno.wille, 
to  keep  up  his  name  anion«j;  the  Indians,  ami  not  let  them  foriret 
him. 

(J.  s.  After  you  saw  Chisholm's  communication,  did  you  see 
<iovernor  lUount  and  have  anv  conversation  on  the  suhject  with 
him? 

A.  S.  Yt's.  1  vi.-^ited  the  (iovernor.  and,  after  some  conversa- 
tion, I  asked  him  if  he  knew  what  Cliishoim  was  ahout.  He 
started  up  his  head  (piiekly  and  answered,  "  No  ;  what  vou  do 
mean?  Danni  tlie  fellow,  I  do  not  know  where  hr  is  :  do  vou 
know  anything,-  ahout  him?"'  I  inf(»i-med  him  of  the  ])api>r  ;  he 
asked  if  it  was  siirned  :  I  told  him  no;  he  then  said,  ••  It  is  not 
worth  mindin.'i  him.  he  is  .^ueh  a  sort  of  a  fellow;  sty  nothin;,' 
ahout  what  you  have  seen." 

(I  U.  Did  Grant  deliver  you  any  messa^re  from  Mr.  lloijers? 

.1.  9.  Yes.  He  advised  with  me  ahout  ^'cttiu!^  the  letter  to  Roar- 
ers; told  me  to  seal  it  or  send  for  liim,  whichever  I  thou,',dit  hest. 
I  replied  I  would  study  upon  it. 

(I  10.  After  the  discovery  of  the  lett.'r.  did  any  other  person 
ai>ply  to  you  ahout  the  discovery? 

.1.10.  Yes.  Colonel  John  Mi-Lelland  eame  and  ask-d  me  to 
walk,  and  in(iuired  after  it,  and  how  it  was  ^'ot.  I  told  him  it 
Avas  true  it  was  ^'ot ;  he  inrpiired  after  the  <"over  ;  that,  1  told  him, 
was  safe.  He  said  that  the  discovery  was  a  terrihle  affair  ;  you 
ou^ht  to  have  destroyed  it.  Charles  ^leClun^',  Ceneral  White, 
John  and  Samuel  MclA-lland.  eame  here  prohahly  on  the  same 
sul)ject;  hut  Lieutenant  Wri-ht  h;id  enjoined  it  upon  me  to  liold 
no  conversation  with  any  oin',  hut  in  his  presence.  This  I  oheved, 
and  told  McLelland  of  this  order;  that  I  was  ^rhid  to  see  my 
friends,  hut  could  have  no  ])rivate  conversation  with  them.  I  was 
ordered  either  to  f^o  over  the  river  while  they  stayed,  or  he  con- 
lined  to  the  garrison;  I  oheyed,  and  went  over  the  river. 

Q.  11.  What  did  you  understand  al>out  the  oIV.m-  of  whiskey  to 
\Vatts  from  Governor  Blount? 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT.  64 

A.  11.  The  Quakers  had  spoken  to  Watts  against  drinking 
whiskey,  and  he  disliked  it  and  complained  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  The  Secretary  replied  that  this  now  depended  with  Colonel 
Hawkins;  that  afterwards  we  were  at  Governor  Blount's,  and 
Watts  mentioned  the  subject  to  him  in  a  style  of  complaint. 
Blount  laughed  and  said,  "  Never  mind  it ;  when  I  come  to  Knox- 
ville  I  will  give  you  two  kegs  of  whiskey." 

Received  the  3rd  of  August,  1797. 

James  McHexry. 

Doc.  T  U,  No.  2,  is  the  deposition  of  James  Carey,  taken  by  the 
Hon.  John  McNairy,  Judge  of  the  District  of  Tennessee,  in  pres- 
ence of  David  Henly,  Benjamin  Hawkins,  Silas  Dinsmoor,  and 
James  Byers,  at  Tellico,  July  8th,  1797. 

The  deponent  being  duly  sworn  to  make  true  answers  to  such 
questions  as  might  be  put  to  him  relative  to  a  letter  signed  "  Wil- 
liam Blount,"  and  dated  Col.  King's  Iron  Works,  April  21st,  1797, 
deposeth  as  follows : 

Question  1.  The  letter  being  read,  it  was  asked :  How  came  you 
in  possession  of  that  letter  from  William  Blount,  addressed  to 
you  ?     Narrate  the  whole. 

Answer.  James  Grant  (called  Major  Grant),  about  the  20th  of 
May,  being  at  the  public  store,  informed  me  he  had  a  letter  for  me 
from  my  old  friend.  Governor  Blount,  and  he  would  deliver  it  to 
me.  We  walked  down  to  the  creek  side,  and  there  he  delivered  to 
me  the  letter.  The  hand  was  difficult  to  read,  and  my  eyesight  is 
defective ;  he  said  he  would  help  me  to  read  it,  and  did  so,  with- 
out looking  at  the  letter,  which  made  mc  know  that  he  knew  the 
contents. 

Q.  2.  Did  Major  Grant  deliver  you  any  message  from  Governor 
Blount  ? 

A.  Yes.  He  told  me  he  was  to  advise  Avith  me  about  getting 
this  letter  to  Rogers  ;  told  me  to  be  cautious,  to  seal  it,  or  send  for 
him,  whichever  I  thought  best,  He  said  people  about  here 
thought  it  was  all  over  with  Governor  Blount,  but  he  would  rise 
yet;  and  if  the  plan  in  the  letter  took  place,  it  would  be  a  great 
thing  for  his  friends.  He  added,  I  should  get  anotlier  letter  from 
Governor  Blount. 

Q.  3.  Did  Major  Grant  say  he  would  visit  you  again  on  the  .sub- 
ject? 

A.  He  said  he  would  visit  me  again,  I  understood,  on  tliis  sub- 
ject, and  he  did  come  down  here  again. 


LIFE   OV   WILLIAM     HLOINT.  65 

Q.  4.  Did  Major  Grant  say  anytliiim  (o  yuu  relative  to  tlic  con- 
tents of  the  letter  on  this  visit  ? 

-1.  Yes.  He  handed  nie  a  newspaper  from  Phihidelphia,  eon- 
taininj;  the  speech  of  Doublehead,  on  receiving  65,000  a  year  ;  I 
supposed  for  the  purpose  of  circulating  it  through  the  nation. 
Major  Grant  and  Lieutenant  Davidson  had  some  conversation  rel- 
ative to  the  speech,  the  purport  not  recollected.  They  two  came 
over  to  the  field  where  I  was  hoeing  corn.  I  asked  them  to  sit 
down  under  the  shade ,  we  remained  there  a  short  time,  and  re- 
turned— they  on  the  horse-path  and  I  on  the  foot-path,  which  was 
a  small  distance  from  each  other.  Lieutenant  Wright  arrived  at 
the  garrison  while  we  Avere  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  sent 
two  soldiers  after  Lieutenant  Davidson.  On 'our  return,  the  two 
officers  were  talking  together,  and  Mr.  Grant  asked  me  what  this 
bustle  meant  ?  He  answered  himself :  I  know  ;  it  was  known  at 
Knoxvillc  I  was  going  into  the  Indian  Territory,  and  it  is  about 
me.  What  has  become  of  the  letter  I  gave  you  from  Governor 
Blount?  It  is  destroyed,  I  answered  him.  He  then  left  the  gar- 
rison, and  has  not  since  been  here,  or  sent  any  message  to  me.  I 
recollect  he  said  Mr.  Byers  was  gone  to  Philadeljihia,  and  that 
there  was  some  stir  or  bustle  about  Knoxville,  but  he  could  not 
make  head  or  tail  of  it ;  liut  it  must  be  about  his  going  into  the 
nation.  And  he  allowed  tluit  brought  Mr.  Wright,  the  lieutenant, 
down. 

Q.  5.  This  is  an  extract  from  tlie  intercepted  letter :  "Among 
other  things  I  wished  to  have  seen  you  about,  was  the  business 
Captain  Chisholm  mentioned  to  the  British  Minister  last  winter, 
at  Philadelphia."  What  Avas  this  business?  It  ajipears  l»y  the 
manner  this  is  Avritten,  you  have  a  knowledge  of  it. 

A.  Captain  Chisholm  did  for  aAvhile  live  Avith  me  in  Philadel- 
phia, but  changed  his  lodgings.  I  Avas  after  this  invited  l)y  Col- 
onel Mentges  to  dine  Avith  him  and  take  tAvo  Indians  Avith  me, 
which  I  did.  Colonel  John  Watts  and  Langley.  After  dinner  Ave 
Avalked  toAvards  Schuylkill,  and  were  overtaken  on  the  street  by 
Captain  Chisholm  in  a  coach  ;  lie  invited  us  to  ride  with  him. 
Colonel  Mentges  oljjected,  but  at  length,  being  prevailed  on,  avo 
got  into  the  coach  and  rode  on  towards  Schuylkill,  and  turned 
round  to  a  tavern  ;  there  Ave  drank  a  ])ottle  of  Avine,  and  ii  tunieil. 
Mr.  Chisholm  pressed  us  again  to  go  into  the  coaeh  ;  we  all  did 
except  Colonel  Mentges,  who  positively  declined.  As  Ave  Avere  re- 
turning in  the  coach,  Chisholm  said  he  had  been  injured  in  the 
non-settlement   of  his  accounts,  or  his    business;  and  miw.  if  it 


66  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM  BLOUXT. 

cost  him  the  last  drop  of  blood,  he  would  have  satisfaction  ;  it  was 
now  in  his  power.  If  they  would  go  with  him,  he  would  show 
them  at  his  lodgings  a  paper  from  the  British  Minister.  Upon 
our  arrival  there,  he  opened  a  box  and  took  out  four  or  five  sheets 
•of  gilt  paper,  close  and  well  written,  which  he  said  was  from  the 
British  Minister  ;  he  read  it.  Dick  Brown  and  John  Walker  were 
there.  Chisholm  proposed  that  we  should  go  to  the  British  Min- 
ister's. I  refused,  and  said  I  had  no  business  with  him  ;  that  the 
Indians  might  go,  if  they  chose.  Watts  refused,  and  said  he  came 
to  do  business  with  the  President,  and  not  with  the  British.  If 
his  interpreter  refused  to  go,  he  would  not  go.  The  paper  was 
read,  and  it  appeared  to  be  a  plan  for  the  reduction  of  the  Flori- 
das.  This  was  to  be  sent  to  England  to  the  British  INIinistry  there 
and  to  whom  from  the  Ministry,  if  it  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  was 
to  be  sent  to  Knoxville  to  Captain  Chisholm,  or,  if  he  was  not 
there,  to  Ig.  Chisholm,  the  Captain's  son.  That  if  the  packet  ar- 
rived to  the  Southward,  in  the  Floridas,  it  was  to  be  sent  up»to 
the  Cherokees,  to  Captain  Chisholm,  and  if  he  be  absent,  it  was  to 
be  delivered  to  John  Rogers.  The  bearer  was  to  say  he  was  going 
into  the  nation  for  his  health.  The  paper  was  not  signed,  but 
there  were  the  names  of  John  Rogers,  John  Pitchlin,  Captain  Chis- 
holm, and  Ig.  Chisholm  in  it.  That  I  spoke  to  Pitchlin  since  on 
the  road  about  it,  and  he  said  he  had  not  heard  anything  of  it.  I 
spoke  also  to  Rogers  ;  he  said  it  was  not  worth  minding  Chisholm. 

Q.  6.  "  If  the  Indians  act  their  part,  I  have  no  doubt  it  will  suc- 
ceed."   What  part  Avere  the  Indians  to  act? 

A.  I  cannot  say;  but  on  the  road  I  conjectured  it  was  to  get 
the  Indians  to  help  the  British  ;  and  I  talked  with  Watts  and 
Brown  about  it,  and  told  them  as  much.  Watts  said  Chisholm 
need  not  come  into  the  nation  with  such  talks — he  would  not  take 
there.  I  said  we  had  lost  enough  already,  without  meddling  in 
such  things.  ChisKolm  tried  to  got  Brown,  wlio  is  the  brotlicr  of 
his  Indian  wife,  to  go  with  him  to  England.  But  Watts  dis.^uailod 
him,  and  he  declined  it. 

Q.  7.  "  I  believe  the  plan  then  talked  of  will  be  attempted  next 
fall.  You  are,  however,  to  understand  that  it  is  not  quite  certain 
the  plan  will  be  attempted,  yet  you  will  do  avoII  to  keep  things  in 
a  proper  train  for  action,  in  case  it  should  be  ;itt('ni})tcd,  and  to  do 
so  will  require  all  your  management." 

Tiiis  paragraph  shows  that  you  have  knowledge  of  the  ])lan.and 
are  to  keep  things  in  proper  train  for  action  ;  this  shows  that  vimi 
are  a  confidant  in  the  business,  and  that  much  reliance  is  had  on 
your  management. 


LIFE   OF    WII.MAM  lU.OUNT.  67 

,1.  This  sul)Jrct  lias  never  been  inentiDiied  to  me,  except  as 
answered  in  tlie  .")tli  (question,  and  the  answer  to  that  iiuestioii 
discloses  what  1  know. 

Q.  8.  You  were  advised  to  send  for  Ko-^'ers,  and  speak  to  him 
yourself  respecting  tlie  state  and  prospect  of  tliin/^'s.  This  implies 
a  certainty  of  your  knowledge  of  the  i)lan  an<l  cvi.lcnccs  a  confi- 
dence in  your  co-operation. 

.1.  1  liave  no  other  knowledge  of  the  plan  tlian  what  1  have 
comuiunicated. 

Q.  9.  ''  In  short,  you  understand  the  subject,  and  must  give  out 
the  proper  talks,  to  keep  up  my  consequence  with  the  Creeks  and 
Cherokees."  Have  you  any  knowledge  of  the  meaning  of  this 
paragraph,  and  have  you  ever  been  applied  to,  to  keep  up  the 
consequence  of  Gov.  Blount  among  the  Indians? 

A.  Gov.  Blount  requested  me  before  he  left  Knoxville  to  keep 
oip  his  name  among  the  Indians  and  not  let  tlicm  forget  him. 

Q.  10.  After  you  saw  Captain  Chisliolm's  communication,  did 
you  see  Gov.  Blount  and  have  any  conversation  with  him  on  the 
subject? 

A.  Yes.  I  visited  the  Governor,  and  after  some  conversation, 
he  asked  me  if  I  knew  what  Chisholm  was  about;  damn  the  fel- 
low. I  do  not  know  where  he  is.  Do  you  know  anything  about 
him  ?  I  answered,  yes;  and  told  him  he  had  changed  his  lodg- 
ings, and  where  he  then  lived.  I  then  asked  Gov.  Blount  what  it 
Avas  that  Chisholm  was  upon  with  the  British  Minister.  He 
started  up  his  head  quickly,  and  answered,  no;  Avhat  do  you 
mean  ?  I  informed  him  of  the  paper  shown  to  me  by  Chisholm. 
He  asked  me  if  it  was  signed?  I  told  him,  no.  He  said  it  was 
not  worth  minding  him,  he  is  such  a  sort  of  a  fellow  ;  say  iiothini: 
about  what  you  have  seen. 

Q.  11.  After  the  discovery  of  the  letter,  did  any  person  a]>ply  to 
you  about  the  discovery  ? 

A.  Yes.  Col.  John  ]\IcLellan  came  here,  and  asked  me  to  walk, 
and  inquired  after  the  letter  I  had  received  from  Gov.  Blount,  and 
whether  it  was  got?  lie  then  in.piired  after  the  cover,  wiiether 
they  got  that?  I  told  him  the  cover  was  safe.  He  said,  "  the 
discovery  was  a  terrible  all'air.  You  ought  to  have  destroyed  tiiC 
letter.  It  was,  or  would  be,  the  best  plan  that  ever  was  adopted 
for  the  benefit  of  the  country.  I  will  try  to  supi)ort  Gov.  lilount's 
character  in  this  country.  I  have  heard  Byers  and  the  letter  were 
gone  to  Philadelphia."  Charles  McCluug,'Gen.  ^^'hite,  John  and 
:Samuel  McLellan,  and  AMllie  Blount  came  here  some  days  after 


68  LIFE    OF   AVILLIAM  BLOUNT. 

the  foregoing  conversation  with  Col.  Jolni  ]\IcLellan,  probabl}-  on 
the  same  subject.  But  Lieutenant  Wright  had  enjoined  it  on  me 
to  hold  no  conversation  with  any  one,  but  in  his  presence.  This 
order  I  obeyed,  and  told  Col.  John  McLellan  of  this  order  ;  that  I 
was  glad  to  see  my  friends,  but  could  have  no  private  conversa- 
tion with  them.  I  was  ordered  also  by  Lieutenant  Wright,  either 
to  go  over  the  river  while  the  gentlemen  stayed,  or  be  confined  ta 
the  garrison.     I  obeyed,  and  went,  by  permission,  over  the  river. 

Q.  12.  What  did  you  understand  by  the  offer  of  Avhiskey  to 
Col.  Watts  by  Gov.  Blount  ? 

A.  The  Quakers  had  spoken  to  Watts  against  drinking,  and  he 
disliked  it,  and  complained  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  Secre- 
tary replied,  this  now  depended  with  Col.  Hawkins.  That  after 
this  we  were  at  Gov.  Blounts,  and  Watts  mentioned  the  suljject  to 
him  in  a  style  of  complaint.  Gov.  Blount  laughed  and  said  never 
mind  it;  when  I  come  to  Knoxville  I  will  send  for  you,  and  give 
you  two  kegs  of  whiskey. 

James  Carey. 

Sworn  before  me  on  the  8th  day  of  July,  1797. 

John  McNairy, 
Judge  of  the  District  of  Tennessee. 


CHAPTER    XVIIL 

KJontinuation  of  the  Tediinony — Di'position>>  nf  Wm.  L.  Lovclcy — Depo- 
sition of  James  Caret/,  taken  before  the  Ilontte  Cotvmittee,  September 
20,  1797. 

Doe.  T.  W.,  No.  :>,  is  tlie  Deposition  ..f  \\'illi;iiii  L.  I.ovcley,  takni 
at  Tellico,  before  Judge  McNairy,  July  <S,  1797. 

He  says  that  Avlien  Carey  showed  him  the  letter  before  he  de- 
livered it  up  he  seemed  uneasy  about  it.  He  says  that  Carey  had 
told  him  before  the  receipt  of  the  letter  from  Gov.  Blount,  that 
Chisholm  had  been  with  the  British  Minister  while  in  Philadel- 
phia, on  a  plan  for  the  reduction  of  the  Floridas,  and  wanted  to 
get  the  co-operation  of  the  Indians. 

Doc.  T.  U.,  No.  4,  is  the  Dei)osition  of  James  Carey,  taken  be- 
fore the  House  Committee,  September  29,  1797. 

Carey  d(?poses : 

I  am  interpreter  for  the  United  States  to  the  Cherokee  Nation  of 
Indians,  and  assistant  at  the  public  store  established  at  the 
Tellico  Blockhouse,  and  I  reside  there  at  i)resent.  For  these 
offices  I  receive  the  annual  salary  of  three  hundred  dollars,  besides 
my  board,  from  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

I  attended  the  Cherokees  on  their  visit  to  Philadelhia  last  winter. 
and  one  day,  al)out  the  last  of  December,  or  beginning  of  Januarv, 
was  invited,  with  two  of  the  chiefs,  John  AVatts  and  John  Lang- 
ley,  to  dine  with  Col.  Mentges.  After  dinner,  Col.  Mentges  pro- 
posed to  us  to  take  a  walk  to  the  Schuylkill ;  Captain  Chisholm 
overtook  us  in  a  coach,  and  invited  us  to  ride  with  him,  which  in" 
vitation  we  acce})ted  after  a  little  hesitation.  We  stopped  at  a 
tavern  in  the  neighl)orhood  of  the  city,  and,  after  taking  some 
wine,  we  all  returned  in  the  carriage  with  Captain  Chisholm,  ex- 
cept Col.  Mentges,  who  preferred  walking.  After  Col.  ^lentgcs 
left  us,  and  on  our  way  home,  Chisholm  Ix'gaiia  conversation  nitli 
me,  which,  at  his  request,  I  rcpeatcil  to  the  Indians  who  wcr.- with 
us.  He  said  that  he  had  great  jxiwer  in  liis  hand.;,  that  he  was 
going  to  England,  and  sliould  return  and  take  the  Floridas.  As  T 
knew  him  to  l)e  a  rattling,  boasting  kind  of  a  man,  I  laughed  at 
him,  and  did  not  much  regard  what  he  said.  He  then  told  me, 
if  I  would  not  believe  him,  he  would  show  it  to  me  in  writing. 
Accordingly,  when  we  returned  to  our  lodgings,  he  took  out  of 


70  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

his  trunk  four,  or  five,  or  six  sheets  of  ^^ilt  paper,  the  whole  of 
which  Avas  filled  with  writing  in  a  very  pretty  hand ;  this  he  said 
he  had  leceived  from  the  British  Minister,  and  read  to  me  with 
such  rapidity  that  I  could  not  distinctly  imderstand  it.  It  had 
neither  signature,  direction,  or  address, but  purported  to  be  apian 
for  the  reduction  of  the  Floridas  by  a  British  and  Indian  force,  of 
which,  however,  I  do  not  recollect  the  particulars.  It  did  not 
specify  the  number  of  men  or  ships  that  were  to  be  engaged  in 
the  expedition ;  Gov.  Blount's  name  was  nowhere  mentioned  in 
it,  nor  did  it  contain  the  names  of  any  persons  or  parties  or  asso- 
ciates in  the  project,  or  who  were  to  be  desired  to  join  in  it ;  nor 
do  I  remember  that  it  proposed  at  all  to  engage  any  citizens  of 
the  United  States  in  the  enterprise,  or  to  raise  any  force  for  the 
purpose  within  the  United  States.  Chisholm  was  styled  "  Cap- 
tain "  in  the  paper,  and  was  to  go  to  England  to  the  British  Min- 
istry with  it,  or,  if  he  did  not  go  himself,  the  paper  Avas  to  be  sent 
there,  and  the  answer  Avas  to  be  returned  to  the  British  Minister 
at  Philadelphia.  If  Chisholm  should  not  be  in  Philadelphia 
Avhen  the  answer  was  received,  it  was  to  be  forwarded  by  land  to 
Knoxville  to  him,  or,  in  his  absence,  to  his  son,  Ig.  Chisholm,  who 
was  to  send  it  to  the  Cherokee  Nation  to  his  fLither ;  or,  if  his 
fiither  should  not  l)e  there,  to  deliver  it  to  John  Rogers.  If  the 
answer  should  be  sent  round  by  the  Floridas,  it  Avas,  in  like  man- 
ner, to  be  forwarded  to  the  Cherokee  country  to  Captain  Chisholm, 
or,  in  his  absence,  to  John  Pvogers.  This  arrangement  Avas  con- 
tained in  the  paper.  Chisholm  himself  said  that  he  Avas  going  to 
England  to  get  everything  in  preparation,  and  to  procure  from  the 
Ministry,  men  and  a  naval  armament ;  that  the  expedition  Avas  to- 
come  out  in  a  large  privateer ;  and  that  on  their  arrival  in  the 
Floridas,  he  Avas  to  obtain  the  assistance  of  the  Indians,  and  then 
attack  the  Spanisli.  After  Chisholm  had  read  his  j^aprr  and  fin- 
ished his  story.  I  continued  to  laugh  at  him,  and  express  my  in- 
credulity; wlKM-cui)on  he  said  if  I  still  Avould  not  belieA'e  him,  I 
should  go  Avith  him  to  the  British  Minister  the  next  morning,  and 
take  the  Indians  Avith  me.  I  told  him  I  had  no  business  Avith  the 
British  Minister,  and  declined  going,  and  so  did  the  Indians. 

Two  or  three  days  afterwards,  at  the  request  of  the  widoAV  of 
the  Hanging  Maw,  I  Avent  to  Gov.  Blount's  lodgings  to  ask  for 
some  money  that  he  owed  her.  I  found  him  engaged  in  Avriting,- 
and  alone.  On  my  entrance,  he  said  to  me,  "  Carey,  Avhat  in  the 
devil  has  become  of  Chisholm ;  damn  the  fellow,  where  is  he  ?" 
I  replied  that  he  had  changed  his  lodgi%'S.    Being  thus  reminded 


LIFK    OF    Wll.I.IAM     lU.Of.NT.  71 

of  niishohn.  T  conchKlcl  t<i  tell  (lov.  Hloiiiit  wli.it  I  Ii;i.l  li(;ir.l 
nvul  seen.  I  said  to  liini,  tlu'rct'oiT,  "' ( iovfriun'.  do  Vdu  know 
what  this  l)usiness  is  that  Carey  is  updii  ■/""  lie  instantly  raised 
Ins  head  eair<'rly  iVoni  the  iiapei-  on  which  lie  was  writ inii.  and 
h>(»kinii  at  nie  said.  •"  No,  no  ;  what  do  yon  nu'an.  Carey  ?""  1  then 
tohl  him  of  my  eonversati<.n  with  Chisholm.  and  of  what  (  his- 
liohn  had  shown  me.  \\'hen  I  mmtioned  the  writin--  I  had  seen 
he  airain  raised  his  head  snddenly.  and  lookinji  at  nie  as  heforo, 
asked  me  eauei-ly  w  lielher  that  \\  rit  in^  was  siuned  ?  I  told  liim 
it  was  not.  and  then  he  said.  "  Pooh,  pooh,  Carey;  you  know  what 
a  windy.  l>lasty  fellow  Chisholm  is,  and  it  is  not  worth  while  to 
take  any  nu)re  notice  of  it,  or  say  anythin;j;  aI)out  it."' 

I  liad  at  no  time,  hel'oi-e  or  afterwards,  any  other  connnuniea- 
tion  of  any  kind  with  Gov.  Blount  rcdative  to  this  suhject  or  anv 
political  plan  or  scheme,  until  I  received  frcnn  him  the  letter 
dated  at  Col.  Kind's  Iron  Works,  April  21,  1797,  except  that  once, 
in  the  city  of  Philadeljihia,  last  winter,  he  advised  me  not  to  he 
present  at  the  runnini:-  of  the  line,  nor  to  have  anythinfr  to  do 
■with  it,  as  he  said  it  would  he  a  troublesome  business,  and  might 
occasion  the  Indians  to  reflect  on  me. 

In  a  short  time  after  these  occurrences.  I  left  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia with  the  Indians.  At  Tellico  I  mentioned  without  re- 
serve to  Mr.  layers  and  other  gentlemen  there  what  Chisholm 
had  said  to  me  and  shown  me ;  they  all  seemed  to  treat  the  thing 
very  lightly,  and  to  consider  Chisholm  and  his  communications  as 
efpially  unworthy  of  attention.  I  mentioned  them  also  to  John 
Rogers;  told  him  how  he  was  mentioned  in  the  paper,  and  asked 
if  he  knew  anything  about  it  :  he  .said  he  did  not,  and  that  such  a 
fellow  as  Chisholm  was  not  woith  minding. 

After  my  return  to  Tellico,  on  or  about  the  20tli  of  May.  I  wa.? 
told  that  James  Grant,  connnonly  called  xMajor  Grant,  wanted  to 
see  me.  When  I  met  him,  he  told  me  he  had  a  letter  for  me 
which  he  wished  to  deliver  to  me  when  we  were  by  ourselves.  Wq 
walked  away  together  some  distance,  and  then  he  said  he  had  a 
letter  for  me  from  my  old  friend  Gov.  P)lount.  He  delivered  it  to 
me,  and,  on  opening  it.  i  fonnil  within  the  same  cover,  twolettors, 
one  for  John  Rogers,  dated.  "  Tennessee,  Sullivan  County.  April 
21,  1797,  (Col.  King's  Iron  Works)"  the  other  for  me.  dated  "  Col. 
King's  Iron  Works,  April  21,  1797,"  both  of  which  letters  are 
now  in  the  possession  of  the  committee.  Without  attending  to 
the  direction,  I  first  opened  that  whicli  was  addressed  to  Rotrers 
and  read  down  one  side,  which  related  to  a  runaway  negi-o  fellow, 


72  lifp:  of  william   blount. 

before  I  discovered  my  mistake.  I  then  began  the  letter  which 
was  directed  to  me.  Major  Grant  and  I  were  sitting  within  two 
or  three  feet  of  each  other.  I  read  loud  enough  to  be  heard  by 
him,  and,  as  I  was  sometimes  at  a  loss  to  make  out  a  word,  being 
a  poor  scholar,  he  told  me  what  it  was,  and  explained  to  me  and 
corrected  me  whenever  I  blundered  as  I  went  on.  Wlien  I  had 
finished  reading  it  he  said  to  me :  "  Now,  Carey,  you  must  be  very 
careful,  as  your  friend,  Gov.  Blount  puts  great  confidence  in  you ; 
you  must  observe  what  he  tells  you,  that  when  you  have  read  the 
letter  two  or  three  times  you  are  to  burn  it."  He  then  asked  me 
what  I  intended  to  do ;  whether  I  would  send  the  letter  to  Rogers, 
or  send  for  Rogers  to  come  to  me.  I  told  him  I  did  not  know  ; 
perhaps  I  might  write  to  -Rogers,  and  if  I  did  I  would  let  him 
know.  He  said  that  people  thereabouts  thought  it  all  over  with 
Gov.  Blount,  but  he  would  rise  yet ;  that  if  his  plan  should  take 
place,  it  would  be  a  great  thing  for  the  friends  of  the  business  and 
for  the  country  ;  that  Gov.  Blount  would  entrust  nobody  with  the 
letter  but  him,  and  that  he  came  to  Tellico  on  purpose  to  deliver 
it  to  me ;  that  I  should  receive  another  letter  from  Gov.  Blount, 
and  that  he.  Major  Grant,  would  come  down  again  to  see  me  on 
the  subject.  I  tlien  told  him  that  I  could  not  tarry  there  any  lon- 
ger, as  I  was  wanted  at  the  store.  As  we  returned,  he  repeated  to 
me  that  I  should  be  careful,  that  the  business  was  of  great  conse- 
quence, that  it  would  be  of  much  service  to  his  friend,  and  that 
Gov.  Blount  placed  great  confidence  in  me.  He  then  returned  to 
Knoxville. 

I  kept  the  letter,  Ijut  did  not  know  what  to  do  with  it  or  think 
about  it.  I  had,  a  few  days  before,  been  sworn  by  Mr.  Dinsmoor, 
to  execute  my  appointments  with  fidelity  to  the  United  States; 
and  I  was  much  embarrassed  between  my  regard  for  Gov.  Blount 
and  what  might  possibly  be  my  duty  in  respect  to  the  letter.  I 
consulted  jNIayor  Lewis  Loveley,  who  is  clerk  at  the  store,  and 
showed  him  the  letter.  He  told  me  he  did  not  know  what  to  ad- 
vise, but  that  I  should  consider  my  oath.  I  took  occasion,  a  few 
days  afterwards,  when  I  was  alone  with  Mr.  Byers,  to  tell  liim  that 
I  had  a  strange  letter  in  my  possession  whicli  I  did  not  know 
what  to  do  al^out.  He  asked  me  who  it  was  frou).  1  told  him, 
and  promised  to  sliow  it  to  him  the  next  morning,  wliidi  I  did 
accordingly;  and,  on  his  assurance  that  it  was  of  ini|M)itanee  to 
the  public  that  it  should  be  disclosed,  I  gave  it  to  liiin. 

After  Byers  had  brought  the  letter  to  Philadelphia,  Major  Grant 
came  again  to  Tellico.     I  was  planting  corn  on  the  other  side  of 


LIFK    OF    WILLIAM     liLdfNT.  73 

tlie  river;  lie  ami  Lieutenant  Davidson  came  over  to  me.  Major 
Grant  took  a  newsi)aper  out  of  liis  i)oeket,  read  it  for  me  and  gave 
it  to  me.  It  contained  sometliing  about  Doublehcad's  having  been 
at  Philadelphia  with  Gen.  Knox  and  obtaining  a  greater  indemnity 
for  the  Indian  country  than  had  ever  been  sti])ulated.  Davidson 
and  Grant  entered  into  an  argument  abdut  it;  and  then  we  re 
turned  to  the  Blockhouse,  whither  I  want<'(l  them  to  take  a  drink 
They  pursued  the  horse  path  and  I  went  on  the  footpath  at  some 
distance  from  them.  In  a  little  while  I  was  met  by  a  soldier,  who 
said  there  was  an  express  come  to  the  Blockhouse  for  Lieutenant 
Davidson  and  me,  and  then  passed  on  to  inform  Davidson.  A 
little  furthur  on  I  met  another  soldier,  with  a  paper  for  Lieutenant 
Davidson,  which  was  delivered  to  him  as  soon  as  he  came  up  ; 
and  he  then  told  us  that  Lieutenant  Wright  had  come  to  the  gar- 
rison. We  crossed  the  river,  and  the  two  Lieutenants  entered 
into  discourse,  and  walked  away  by  themselves.  Grant  then  said 
to  me  ,  he  believed  he  knew  what  all  this  bustle  was  about  ;  that 
he  had  said  at  Knoxville  that  he  was  going  into  the  Indian  coun- 
try, and  he  supposed  Wright  had  come  to  stop  him.  He  said  also 
that  there  was  a  great  stir  at  Knoxville  about  something,  but  he 
could  not  make  out  what.  He  asked  me  what  I  had  done  with 
the  letter  from  Mr.  Blount.  I  said  it  was  (/ovr,  but  did  not  tell 
him  where,  nor  did  he  pursue  the  question  further,  but  I  thought 
looked  very  cool  upon  me.  The  officers  soon  returned,  and  Lieu- 
tenant Wright  continued  with  me  and  Major  Grant ;  and  I  after- 
wards understood  that  his  business  at  Tellico  was  to  follow  Major 
Grant,  and  prevent  him  from  having  any  private  intercourse  with 
me.  Grant,  immediately  alter  taking  a  drink,  left  us  and  returned 
to  Knoxville. 

A  few  days  afterwards,  a  Col.  John  ]\IcLellan,  of  Knoxville, 
came  to  Tellico,  and  called  me  out,  and  asked  me  if  I  Jiad  not  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Gov,  lilount.  I  said  I  had.  He  asked  me 
what  were  the  content.s,  and  said  there  was  a  terrilde  to-do  aliout 
it  at  Knoxville,  and  that  it  was  rei)orted  that  Byershad  got  it  from 
me  when  I  was  drunk.  I  told  him  it  was  true  that  Byers  had  got 
it.  He  repeated  his  (luestion  about  the  contents.  I  told  him  I 
could  not  recollect  them  all.  He  said  it  was  a  damned  bad  thing  that 
I  had  let  it  go.  He  then  asked  me  if  the  cover  was  gone;  I  said  I  be- 
lieved not.  He  then  observed,  that  he  sui)i)Osed  the  letter  was 
about  something  relative  to  Florida.  I  rei)lied,  I  supposed  it  was. 
He  said,  he  imagined  it  was  to  the  same  purpose  as  one  which  he 
had  himself  received  from  Gov.  Blount ;  but  that,  by  God  !  they 


<4  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

should  not  get  that  from  liim  ;  that  he  was  determined  to  support 
Gov.  Blount,  and  so  were  many  others  in  that  country. 

Some  days  afterwards  Charles  McClure,  General  White,  Willie 
Blount,  and  Colonel  McLellan's  hrother  came  to  Tellico  also  along 
with  the  Colonel ;  but  I  was  desired  by  Lieutenant  \\'right  not  to 
hold  conversation  with  any  of  them  except  in  liis  presence.  I 
took,  therefore,  an  early  opportunity  to  mention  to  Colonel 
McLellan  that  I  was  glad  to  see  my  friends,  but  tliat  I  Avas  not 
permitted  to  have  any  private  discourse  Avith  them.  Afterwards, 
they  wanted  me  to  go  over  the  river  Avitli  them  to  get  fruit ;  but  I 
declined,  telling  them  that  I  Avould  go  ovct  and  send  them  some 
by  the  Indians,  but  that  I  would  not  go  with  them. 

The  letter  for  John  Rogers,  which  was  indorsed  in  the  same 
cover  with  that  I  received  from  Gov.  Blount,  1  delivered  to  Col. 
Hawkins. 

I  never  received  the  letter  Avhich  is  non-  produced  to  me,  signed 
"William  Blount,"  dated  Ajml  24,  17U7,  and  in  the  handwriting 
of  Gov.  Blount  and  directed  to  "James  Carey,  Tellico  Blockhouse — 
Col.  King." 

James  Carey. 


CHArXEll  XIX. 

Continuation  of  the  Tctstimonij — Deposition  of  John  lioyers — Deposition 
of  James  Grant — Declaration  made  to  the  Minister  of  his  Catholic 
Majesty  the  King  of  Spain,  by  Citizen  Mitchell,  a  resident  <f  Ten- 
nessee— Letter  from  Chisholm  to  MitehcU. 

Doe.  v.  W.  is  tlie  Deposition  of  Jolm  Kofiors,  taken  before  the 
House  Committee'  September  2U,  17U7. 

lie  never  received  the  letter  mentioned  by  Carey  as  inclosed  to 
liim.  He  resided  in  the  Creek  and  Cherokee  nations,  but  held  no 
office  or  employment  of  any  kind  under  the  United  States.  Last 
winter  at  Philadelphia  Chisholm  told  him  he  might  make  his  for- 
tune by  going  to  England.  Deponent  asked  how?  Chisholm  re- 
plied that  England  and  Spain  were  about  to  be  engaged  in  a  war 
with  each  other  and  that  P^ngland  wished  to  engage  the  Southern 
Indians.  I  learned  afterwards  he  had  been  speaking  to  some  of 
the  Indians  on  the  same  subject.  He  made  no  secret  of  his  pro- 
ject, but  talked  of  it  in  a  very  public  manner.  He  never  men- 
tioned Gov.  Blount's  name  in  my  liearing.  His  plan  Avas,  accord- 
ing to  his  own  statement,  to  induce  the  Britisli  Government  to 
send  a  force  into  Florida  sufficient  to  garrison  Pensacola,  New 
Orleans,  &c.,  and  to  protect  the  country  against  the  Spaniards, 
after  the  people,  assisted  perhaps  by  the  Indians,  should  have 
risen  against  them  and  thrown  off' their  government.  D(|)(inent 
was  little  more  than  an  absolute  stranger  to  Gov.  Blount.  ( )u  one 
occasion  the  last  winter  was  at  Gov.  Blount's  house,  and  tlu'  Gov- 
ernor asked  him  what  he  thought  of  Chisholm's  going  to  England. 
Deponent  said  he  thought  it  idle  talk  and  that  Gov.  Blount  by  his 
manner  seemed  to  think  the  same.  This  was  the  only  mention 
Gov.  Blount  ever  made  to  liim  of  Chisholm. 

The  Committee  had  read  to  Rogers  the  following  ]>assage  from 
the  letter  entrusted  to  Care}'  for  him.  viz  : 

"I  suppose  you  know  that  Cai^tain  Cliislioiui  iiirormcd  me  of 
yours  and  his  objects  last  winter  at  Philadelphia.  I  now  tell  you 
that  I  am  induced  to  believe  that  plan  will  go  into  operation ;  and 
if  it  was,  it  will  be  attended  with  great  success.  You  will  do  well 
to  keep  things  in  a  train ;  but  take  care  and  act  wisely." 

The  foregoing  deposition  was  in  answer  to  the  question,  what 
thedeponent  knew  about  this  matter. 


76  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

Doc.  X.  Y.  is  the  Depositiou  of  James  Grant,  taken  liefore  the 
House  Committee,  September  29,  1797. 

In  April  last  deponent  met  Governor  Blount  in  Washington 
County,  Virginia,  deponent  was  returning  to  his  home  in  Knoxville 
from  Hillsboro,  N.  C.  Among  other  matters  talked  of  Gov. 
Blount  told  deponent  there  was  a  plan  respecting  which  Chisholm 
and  several  of  the  chiefs  had  been  to  see  the  British  ISIinister  last 
winter  in  Philadelphia."  He  (Blount)  stated  this  plan  to  be  "  a 
co-operation  of  the  Indians  with  the  British  in  taking  the  Floridas, 
and  establishing  a  British  government  in  the  Spanish  dominions 
on  the  Mississippi,  which,  he  conceived,  would  be  of  great  utility 
to  the  Western  country.  He  said  if  the  plan  should  go  forward, 
he  should  be  engaged  in  it ;  that  he  was  to  use  his  influence  to 
bring  the  Indians  to  act  their  part,  and  to  conduct  them  as  their 
military  leader  on  the  expedition  ;  and  that  he  was  to  be  rewarded 
by  some  high  official  situation  in  the  government  of  the  conquered 
country.  He  made  no  direct  overture  for  me  to  join  in  the  enter- 
prise ;  but  said,  that  if  he  succeeded,  he  should  have  it  in  his 
power  to  handsomely  reward  his  friends."  Deponent  says,  "  I 
understood  generally  from  him  that  any  citizens  of  the  United 
States  who  would  engage  in  the  enterprise  as  volunteers  should  be 
received  and  employed."  With  regard  to  details,  the  Governor 
told  deponent  no  more  than  that  "  a  naval  armament  was  to  be 
sent  from  Great  Britain,  which  was  to  bring  out  the  materials  for 
the  enterprise,  and  which  was  to  be  co-operated  Avith  on  the  land 
side,  under  his  direction,  by  the  Indians  and  such  other  force  as 
he  could  engage  for  the  purpose.  He  spoke  of  it  as  an  affair  not 
yet  matured,  but  which  depended  on  preliminary  circunistances 
yet  to  be  arranged."  On  or  about  May  15,  following,  as  deponent 
was  going  from  Knoxville  to  Tollico,  Col.  James  King  requested 
him  to  take  down  some  letters.  Gnc  of  these  was  the  "  Carey  let- 
ter." He  delivered  the  letter  and  was  ))resent  when  it  was  read, 
but  did  not  read  it  or  liear  it  read  ;  be  lielped  Carey  when  at  a  los.s 
about  a  word.  When  Carey  had  iinished  reading  it  lie  said,  "  Yes, 
I  understand  it,  and  will  pay  attention  to  it." 

Doc.  A  B  C  is  '-A  eoi)y  of  a  declaration  made  to  the  Minister 
of  his  Catholic  Majesty  liy  Citizen  Mitehel,  resident  in  Tennessee." 

The  declaration  states  that  Chisholm  had  enrolhd  a  thousand 
Tennesseans  for  the  descent  on  the  Spanish  ])ossessions  ;  that  lie 
had  made  a  trip  through  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  and  was  en- 
gaging the  Creeks  and  Cherokees  in  his  enterprise  ;  that  he  had  a 
list  of  1,500  English  royalists  of  the  Natchez  who  would  take  up 


LIFK    OF    WILLIAM    ULolNT.  77 

arms  in  the  enterprise;  tliat  there  was  an  ex|tc(liti<>n  litlin,L' out 
(.in  the  hikes  of  5UU  troops  of  the  line,  TOO  Canadian  mil- 
itia, and  2,000  Indians  under  the  Chief  Brent;  that  this  expedi- 
tion would  descend  the  Illinois,  attack  St.  Louis,  New  Madrid, 
and  niarrli  upon  Santa  Fe  ;  tlial  Chisliolni  had  procured  six  field 
pieees,  which  were  i)laeed  on  the  Ti-nnessee  river  in  the  hands  of 
one  of  his  agents ;  that  the  Americans  were  to  rendezvous  at 
Knoxville,  Jul)'  1st;  that  Chisholm  had  gone  to  London  under  the 
authority  of  Mr.  Liston  to  ask  for  money  and  vessels  to  execute 
this  plan.  This  declaration  was  made  at  Philadcli)hia,  July  12, 
17U7. 

Doc.  D  E  F  is  a  letter  from  Chisholm  to  Messrs.  Mitchel  and 
Craig,  as  follows : 

"  PiiiLAi>ELi'iiiA,  March  17,  175'7. 
^'Messrs.  Mitchel  and  CraUj  : 

"You  will  observe  that  it  will  he  neci'ssary  for  you  lo  be  in  the 
State  of  Tennessee  on  the  first  day  of  July  next,  in  order  to  per- 
form Avhat  we  have  agreed  upon.  You  may  rely  on  every  atten- 
tion on  my  part,  and  everything  that  Ave  have  talked  of  shall  be 
performed  agreeable  to  the  existing  plan. 

"I  am,  gentlemen,  your  very  humble  servant, 

"  John  Chisholm." 

The  foregoing  letter  was  enclosed  with  the  •'  declaration  "  as  an 
evidence  that  the  declaration  was  true.  The  declaration  is  in  the 
French  language,  and  was  made  to  the  Chevalier  D'Yrujo. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

■Continuation  of  the  Testimony — Depositions  of  John  Phillips  Ripley — 
Thomas  Odeone  and  Capt.  Eaton — Note  from  the  Spanish  Minister 
indorsing  statement  of  Gen.  Elijah  Clark,  of  Georgia,  dated  No- 
vember 23,  1797 — Comments  on  ^^  Citizen  MitcheVs  "  statement — • 
Statement  of  Gen.  Clarh — Letter  from  Attorney  Harrison  to  Mr. 
Pinckney — Letter  from  N.  Webster  to  Mr.  Pinckncy — Anonymous 
Letter  signed  H.  M. — Letter  from  Mr.  Sitgrcaves  to  Mr.  Pickering 
— Anonymous  Letter  from  G.  II.  to  Mr.  Sitgreaves — Letter  from 
Capt.  Eaton — Letter  from  Wm.  Wilcocks  to  Mr.  Pickering — Anon- 
ymous letter  from  the  ^^  Argus'''' — Letter  from  Mr.  Sitgreaves  to  Mr. 
Pickering,  andreply — Letter  from  Mr.  Pickering  to  Mr.  Harrison  and 
from  Mr.  Sitgreaves  to  Mr.  Harrison — Letter  from  Mr.  Harrison  to 
Sitgreaves — Deposition  of  Abel  Holden — Deposition  of  Gen.  Clark — 
Continuation  of  the  testimony — Letter  from  the  Spanish  Minister, 
the  Chevalier  D'  Yrugo,  to  Mr.  Sitgreaves — Letter  from  Mr.  Ripley 
to  Mr.  Sitgrcaves. 

Doc.  G  H  T  is  the  deposition  of  John  Phillips  Ripley  touch- 
ing the  collateral  matter  of  Captain  Eaton  withholding  informa- 
tion before  alluded  to.  It  is  irrelevant,  and  no  importance  was 
attached  to  it  by  the  Committee. 

Doc.  K  L  M  is  the  deposition  of  Thomas  Odeone  u}^on  the 
same  matter,  upon  which  the  same  remark  is  to  l)e  made. 

Doc.  N  0  P  is  the  deposition  of  Captain  Eaton,  exonerating 
himself  from  these  charges. 

Doc.  Q  R  S  is  a  note  from  tlie  Spanish  Minister  inclosing  a 
statement  made  by  Gov.  Elijah  Clark,  of  (u'orgia,  November  28, 
1797. 

[To  judge  from  the  face  of  the  record  alone  it  woidd  api)ear 
that  the  "  declaration  of  citizen  Mitchcl,"  waK  cither  a  lioax  i)ra<- 
tised  upon  the  credulity  of  the  Spanish  iNIinister  or  a  sclieme  to 
get  money  from  him — for  it  seems  he  helped  Riiiley  to  money. 
Nol)ody  could  ever  find  out  anything  about  IMitchel's  wlicreaboiits, 
although  he  was  partner  in  a  commercial  house.  Not  one  of  the 
'•  1,000  inhabitants  of  Tennessee  "  who  had  been  enrolled  could 
be  discovered  by  Mr.  Sitgreaves.     The  "  1,500  English  royalists  of 


LIFK    »»1'    WILLIAM     HLorNT.  79 

NiK'lu'//"  were  (in(>  and  all,  alike  invisible.  Nul'o.ly  cxcr  saw  (he 
*•  six  iiiehl  pii't'es  on  the  Tennessee  lliver."  No  lurlhii'  li.^iit  was 
ever  thrown  upon  the  expedition  of  "  ")0()  Knjilish  troojts  of  the 
line,  7<)!>  Canadian  militia,  and  2,000  Indians,  muler  lirent," 
That  the  Spanish  MinistiT  was  a  man  of  I'rchlc  jud^nient  and 
easy  to  l)e  imposed  upon,  ajipears  iVoin  his  eonversation  with 
^Ir.  Pickering  about  a  hostile  invasion  of  Louisiana  from  ("anaila.] 

Doc.  Q  R  S,  No  2,  is  tlu;  statement  of  (lenerul  Clark,  that  a 
proposition  was  made  to  him  asking  him  if  he  would  accept  a  sal- 
ary often  thousand  dollars  a  year  and  join  the  British?  This 
proposition  was  made  "  through  a  ehanml  wliieh  bound  nic  (him) 
to  silence  if  not  acquiesced  in."     lie  refused.     August  *.),  1797. 

Doc.  A  a  is  a  letter  from  Attorney  Harrison  to  Mr.  Pickering, 
the  principal  ])oint  in  which  iscontained  in  the  following  sentence: 
"'  I  am  this  moment  informed  that  William  Duer,  formerly  Assist- 
ant Secretary,  is  suspected  of  being  privy  to  this  transaction." 

Doc.  A  b  is  a  letter  from  N.  Webster,  Jr..  to  Mr.  Pickering,  in 
which  he  informs  him  that  one  Dr.  Ilieks  told  him  that  some 
person  (not  named)  had  told  him  (Hicks)  that  he  f  Hicks'  infor- 
mant) had  conveyed  letters  from  Ilomayne  to  the  British  Minister. 

Doc.  A  c  is  an  anonymous  letter,  signed  H.  M.,  written  by  some 
illiterate  person  (to  judge  from  the  incorrect  spelling  of  common 
words)  to  Mr.  Pickering,  informing  him  that  Col.  Stevenson,  of 
New  York,  is  a  bad  man  and  a  dangerous  character.  H.  M.  says 
he  abuses  Mr.  Pickering  and  many  other  public  officers,  calling 
them  rascals,  scoundrels,  and  '"  vcloas  this  man  is  desparty 

Doc.  A  d  is  a  letter  from  Chairman  Sitgreaves  to  Mr.  Pickering, 
in  which  the  "  suspicion  arising  from  H.  M's  letter  against  Col. 
Stevenson  ought  to  be  traced,"  also  that  "  there  are  other  names 
besides  Mr.  Harrison'^5  letter  to  suppose  that  Mr.  Duer  had  a  pretty 
full  knowledge  of  the  project."  He  requests  that  Lord  Granville's 
letter  be  sent  to  the  Committee.     July  13,  1797. 

Doc.  A  e  is  an  anonymous  letter  from  G.  H.  to  Mr.  Sitgreaves,  in 
Avhich  the  writer  says,  "One  Mitchel  to]<l  me  last  winter  that  his 
partner  knew  everything,  more  than  he  did." 

Doc.  A  fis  a  letter  from  Captain  Eaton  to  Sitgreaves,  stating  that 
he  had  heard  it  remarked  by  a  gentleman  crossing  the  ferry  at 
New  York,  that  Dr.  Romayne  had  said  "  the  government  of  the 
United  States  was  foundecl  in  rebellion  an<l  supi)orted  by  faction, 
and  that  a  .s7to/7  tunc  would  restore  things  in  this  country  to  the 
political  order  which  existed  before;  the  Revolution."  Also  that  it 
had  transpired  from  some  of  B"s  confidants  that  he  had  said: 
*•■  One  year  would  make  hinj  governor  of  the  Natchez." 


80  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

Doc.  A  g  is  a  letter  from  AVm.  Wilcocks  to  Mr.  Pickering,  inform- 
ing him  that  one  Munson  Day  (or  Dey)  had  told  him  that  there 
Avas  going  to  be  an  invasion  of  the  Spanish  territories ;  that  a  per- 
son had  gone  to  England  on  the  business  ;  that  he  had  his  infor- 
mation from  one  Mitch  el,  and  that  Mitchel  had  authorized  and 
pressed  him  to  raise  forty  or  fifty  young  men,  all  of  Avhom  would 
be  rewarded. 

Doc.  Ah  is  an  anonymous  letter  in  the  "  Argus  "  against  Dr. 
Romayne  asking  him  questions,  which  implied  a  conspiracy,  but 
making  no  specific  charges  and  stating  no  facts. 

Doc.  A  i  is  a  letter  from  Sitgreaves  to  Mr.  Pickering  stating  that 
the  anonymous  newspaper  article  in  the  Argus  ought  to  be  tracked 
up. 

Doc.  A  k  is  a  letter  from  Pickering  to  Sitgreaves  stating  that  he 
had  written  to  Attorney  Harrison  relating  to  the  suspicions  against 
Duer  and  Stevenson  but  had  not  heard  from  him  on  the  subject. 

Doc.  A.  1  is  the  copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Pickering  to  Mr.  Har- 
rison upon  the  same  subject. 

Doc.  A  m  is  a  letter  from  Sitgreaves  to  Harrison  instructing  him 
to  make  inquiries  of  the  printer  of  the  "  Argus  "  relative  to  the 
author  of  the  anonymous  letter  in  that  paper,  with  a  view  to  ob- 
taining further  information. 

Doc.  A  n  is  a  letter  from  Harrison  to  Sitgreaves,  stating  that  he 
made  inquiries  resepecting  the  anonymous  publication,  and  had 
"  no  great  authority  upon  which  this  communication  rests." 

Here  follows  a  document  not  marked.  It  is  the  deposition  of 
Abel  Holden,  Jr.  He  says  that  John  Phillips  Ripley,  nephew  to 
the  President  of  Dartmouth  College,  had  told  liim  that  he  had  re- 
ceived two  hundred  dollars  from  the  Spanish  Minister  and  ex- 
pected to  receive  more  ;  that  Ripley  had  also  said  that  lie  was  to 
have  had  the  consulship  to  Algiers,  but  that  Captain  Eaton  inler- 
ferred  and  prevented  it. 

The  next  document  is  the  deposition  of  General  Clark,  of  Georgia? 
March  27,  1798.     He  says: 

In  the  month  of  May,  1797,  William  Carrick  came  to  his  house 
in  Wilkes  County,  and  talked  of  the  existing  war  between  France, 
Spain  and  England  ;  that  the  day  after  his  arrival  he  informed 
deponent  that  he  was  a  British  captain,  then  from  Charleston, 
Avhere  he  intended  soon  to  return,  by  way  of  Savannah,  and  see 
Col.  John  Mcintosh,  and  that  he  Avas  authori/x'd  by  the  British 
Government  to  offer  the  deponent  a  salary  of  S10,000  a  year  if  he 
would  engage  in  the  British  service  against  the  Spaniards  and 


LIFK    OF   WILLIAM  lU.OrNT.  81 

Frencli.  The  proposition  was  oral.  TIic  scheme  was  not  disdos  cd 
The  (,k'i)onent  declined  the  offer. 

Doc.  1  is  a  letter  from  the  Spanish  Minister,  D'Yru^'o,  to  Mr. 
Sitgreaves,  statini;  that  hehad^never  directly  orindirectly given  orof- 
fered  to  give  in  any  way  any  money  or  other  reward  to  John  Phil- 
lips Ripley,  January  19,  1798. 

Doc.  2  is  a  letter  from  Ripley  to  Sitgreaves,  dated  .January  10. 
1798,  stating  that  he  applied  to  the  Spanish  Minister  for  moncy^ 
who  recommended  him  to  Mr.  Stoughton,the  Spanish  consul,  who, 
loaned  him  sufficient  money  to  relieve  him  from  a  pressing  em- 
barrassment. 


OHAPTEK  XXI 

Comments  on  the  Testimony — Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Testimony. 

The  reader  has  now  before  him  all  the  evidence  taken  by  the 
committee  relative  to  the  suspicions  and  charges  against  Gov. 
Blount. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  prosecution  was  of  the  most  vigor- 
ous character.  It  was  instituted  by  Mr.  President  Adams.  The 
Attorney-General  lent  active  assistance ;  the  Secretary  of  War  was 
no  less  energetic;  and  Mr.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State,  was  es- 
pecially vigilant.  Mr.  Harrison,  United  States  Attorney  for  New 
York,  and  Mr.  Hoffman,  Attorney  General  for  that  State,  assisted; 
as  did  Col.  Hamilton  and  Governor  Jay.  The  Chevalier  D'Yrugo 
supplemented  their  evidences  with  the  arts  peculiar  to  Spanish  in- 
trigue. Not  only  were  all  the  officials  of  the  Government  on  the 
side  of  the  prosecution,  but  all  who  hoped  for  office  under  Execu- 
tive favor,  contributed  to  swell  the  volume  of  popular  clamor. 
And,  finally,  the  watchful  Sitgreaves  did  not  suffer  even  an  anony- 
mous communication  or  an  abusive  newspaper  article  to  remain 
nntraced.  No  one  will  doubt  for  a  moment  that  the  committee 
prosecuted  with  vigor — with  remarkable  vigor. 

Upon  this  evidence  the  committee  made  the  following  report  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  December  4,-5,  1797. 

House  of  Repeesextatives,  November  30,  1797. 

The  Committee,  appointed  on  the  8th  day  of  July  last,  to  pre- 
pare and  report  articles  of  impeachment  against  William  Blount, 
a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  impeached  by  this  House,  of  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors ;  which  Committee,  by  a  resolution  of 
the  10th  day  of  July  last,  were  authorized  to  sit  during  the  recess 
of  Congress,  and  were  instructed  to  inquire,  and,  by  all  lawful 
means,  to  discover  the  whole  nature  and  extent  of  the  offence 
whereof  the  said  William  Blount  stands  impeached,  and  who  are 
the  parties  and  associates  therein,  make,  in  pursuance  of  the  lat- 
ter resolution,  the  following  report : 

The  committee  having  charged  themselves  with  tlu*  business  to 
which  they  were  appointed  by  this  House,  received,  on  the  8th 
day  of  July,  from  James  Ross,  Esq.,  chairman  of  a  committee  of 
the  Senate,  a  trunk  belonging  to  William  Blount,  containing  a 
number  of  papers,  Avhich  had  been  seized  in  pursuance  of  a  reso- 
lution of  the  Senate,  authorizing  its  committee  to  send  for  persons 


LIFK    OK    WILIJAM    HLoUNT.  83 

■nnd  for  pajiers.  From  those  j)ai)ers  a  selection  has  l)een  inade  l>y 
the  committee  of  tlie  Seiuite;  and  the  House,  having  made  a  fur- 
ther selection  of  such  as  appeared  to  them  to  he  connected  with 
the  oliject  of  their  appointment,  returned  the  residue  to  the  order 
of  William  ])lount.  The  pa})ers  retained  hy  the  committee  are 
in  the  Appendix  to  this  report  marked,  Nos.  2,  3,  5,  G,  7,  8,  10,  11, 
12,  13,  v.),  20,  21,  22,  23,  2G,  28. 

A  violent  presumjjtion  having  arisen,  from  the  inspection  of  the 
papers  referred  to,  that  Nicolas  Romayne,  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  was  intimately  connected  with  ^\'illianl  lUount  in  liis  crim- 
inal designs,  the  committee  conceived  it  to  he  their  (hity  to  exercise 
the  powers  vested  in  them  hy  this  House,  in  such  manner  as  to 
l)revcnt  the  escape  of  the  said  Nicolas  Romayne,  and  efiiectually 
to  secure  his  person  and  ]»ai>ers  for  examination ;  they  issued, 
therefore,  on  the  9th  day  of  July,  the  warrant  in  the  Api)endix, 
marked  (A  ;)  and,  as  it  was  deemed  important  to  commit  the  exe- 
cution of  this  warrant  to  a  person  of  intelligence,  discretion,  and 
fidelity,  the  Secretary  of  State  was  requested  to  provide  a  messen- 
ger of  competent  character  for  the  occasion.  With  a  very  prompt 
attention  to  the  wishes  of  the  committee,  he  assigned  this  service 
to  Captain  AVilliam  Eaton,  to  whom  the  instructions  in  the  Appen- 
dix marked  (B;  were  given  by  the  committee ;  and  the  Secretary 
of  State  added  to  them  the  letters  marked  (C)  and  (D).  On  the 
12th  day  of  July  Captain  Eaton  returned  to  Philadeli)hia, 
with  Nicolas  Romayne  in  his  custody,  and  made  the  rejoort  of  his 
proceedings  marked  (E.)  He  delivered  also  to  the  committee, 
under  seal,  a  number  of  papers  found  by  him  in  the  possession 
of  said  Romayne,  of  which  such  as  are  supposed  to  be  material 
are  contained  in  the  Appendix,  and  marked  Nos.  1,  4,  18.  24,  2-"), 
27.  The  examination  of  Nicolas  Romayne  engaged  much  of  the 
attention  of  the  committee  until  the  22d  of  July,  when  he  sub- 
scribed his  deposition  (A  B,)  and,  having  given  bond  for  liis  ap- 
pearance l)c{bre  the  Senate  on  the  trial  of  the  impeachment  of 
William  Blount,  was  dismissed  from  further  attendance,  and  re- 
ceived, at  his  i^articular  request,  the  certificate  marked  (F. ) 

TIk;  letter  No.  23,  found  among  the  jiapers  of  William  IMount, 
signed  James  Grant,  and  dated  Knoxville,  May  24th,  1797,  being 
supposed  to  contain  the  proof  that  the  said  James  (irant  had  l>een 
the  confidential  bearer  of  the  letter  from  William  Blount  to  James 
Carey,  communicated  to  Congress  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  3d  of  July  ;  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  adopt  the 
same  measures  for  the  seizure  of  his  person  and  papers,  as  had 


84  '  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM    BLOUXT. 

been  taken  in  the  case  of  Nicolas  Romayne.  Major  Thomas  Lewis 
was  employed  for  this  puri^osc  by  the  committee,  who  charged 
him,  on  the  11th  of  July,  with  tho  execution  of  the  warrant 
marked  (G)  Pie  was  further  directed  to  serve  on  John  Rogers 
and  James  Carey,  respectively,  the  precepts  (H)  and  (I)  requiring 
their  appearance  before  the  committee  for  examination;  which 
precepts  were  accompanied  with  the  letter  marked  (K)  from  the 
committee  to  John  Rogers,  who  resided  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States,  and  with  the  letters  marked  (L),  (M,)  and  (N) 
from  the  Secretary  of  War,  who  readily,  at  the  desire  of  the  com- 
mittee, co-operated  with  them  in  their  endeavor  to  obtain  the  tes- 
timony of  these  witnesses.  The  instructions  to  Major  Lewis  are 
in  the  Appendix  marked  (0.)  In  the  interim,  between  the  de- 
parture and  the  return  of  j\Iajor  Lewis,  the  Secretary  of  War  com- 
municated to  the  committee  the  letters  marked  (Q)  and  (R)  from 
Col.  David  Henly  and  Benjamin  Hawkins,  Esq.,  covering  the  ex- 
aminations of  James  Carey,  marked  (T  U,  No.  l,)and  (TU,  No.  2,) 
taken  at  Tellico,  by  directions  from  the  Executive,  together  with 
the  examination  of  William  M.  Loveloy,  marked  (T  U,  No.  3,)  and 
the  original  letter  mai-ked  in  tho  Appendix  (No.  15.)  On  the  25th 
of  September,  Major  Lewis  having  arrived  at  Germantown.  in  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  with  James  Grant  in  his  custody,  and  ac- 
companied by  John  Rogers  and  James  Carey,  made  liis  report 
marked  (P;)  and  the  depositions  of  tlie  said  James  Carey,  John 
Rogers  and  James  Grant  were,  immediately  thereafter,  taken  by 
the  committee,  and  are  hereunto  annexed,  marked  (T  U,  No.  4,) 
(V  W)  and  (X  Y,)  respectivel3^  Before  the  discharge  of  Major 
Grant,  he  gave  bond  for  his  appearance  before  the  Senate  on  the 
trial  of  the  impeachment  of  William  Blount.  Tlie  letters  referred 
to  in  his  deposition,  from  William  Blount  to  James  Carey  and 
Major  Loveley,  dated  April  24,  1797,  are  marked  (No.  KV)  and 
(No.  17.) 

To  complete  the  scries  of  the  correspondence  between  William 
Blount  and  Nicolas  Romayne,  as  disclosed  by  the  letters  found  in 
their  posession,  respectivel.y,  the  letter  (No.  (1)  from  Wiv  latter  to 
the  former,  appeared  alone  to  be  wanting.  Tliis  letter,  on  or  about 
the  13th  of  July,  was  received  l.y  the  SecntMry  of  State  in  an 
anonymous  letter,  which  had  l)een  transmitted  by  mail,  but  with- 
out any  post  mark  otlier  than  the  word  "  Free."'  The  anonymous 
letter  and  a  translation  of  it  are  subjoined  to  the  Api)endix, 
marked  (No.  9,  A.) 


LTFK    OF    WILLIAM     lU.OUXT.  85 

The  committoe  luiviiv^  received  infonnation  tliat  John  Chisliolin, 
named  in  the  letter  from  Williiuu  Blount  to  Jiimes  Carey,  whieii 
gave  rise  to  the  present  inquiry,  liail  sailed  tVoni  Philadelj)hia  in  a 
vessel  belontjinsj:  to  or  chartered  hy  Mr.  \\'illiaiii  Davy,  a  mcrcliant 
of  that  city,  requested  the  attendance  of  Mr.  Davy  for  examina- 
tion, lie  waited  on  the  conunittee  agreealily  to  their  desire  ;  and, 
iifter  expressing  consideraMe  t mharrassmcnt  from  ]ieculiar  cir- 
cumstances attendant  on  Ids  situation,  with  some  reluctance,  made 
the  deposition  (C.  D.)  Mr.  Davy  has  since  communicated  to  the 
committee  the  extract  of  a  letter  from  his  brother  in  London, 
which  is  subjoined  to   his  deposition,  and  marked  (C  D,  No.  2.) 

The  disclosure  made  by  Davy  led  to  the  examination  of  George 
Fisher,  contained  in  his  deposition'  (E  F.)  The  suspicion,  excited 
by  the  latter  part  of  this  deposition,  was  traced  liy  the  committee, 
and  satisfactorily  removed  by  tlie  testimony  of  William  Ik'll,  Ap- 
pendix (G  II.)  The  communication  from  the  h^ecretary  of  State, 
of  the  20th  July,  marked  (I  K)  is  connected  with,  and  explana- 
tory of,  the  subject  matter  of  their  depositions,  and  of  the  letter 
from  Robert  Liston,  Esq.,  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  his 
Britanic  Majesty,  to  Nicolas  Romayne.  found  among  the  papers  o^ 
the  latter,  dated  Philadelphia,  28th   April.  17'.»7.     Appendix  (No. 

IS.) 

With  relation  to  the  i^aper  (No.  2S)  found  in  the  possession  of 
"William  Blount,  endorsed  by  him,  "  Judge  Turner,  Memo,  of  forcC) 
etc."  GeorgeTurner,  Esq.,  late  one  of  the  Judges  of  the  territory  of 
the  United  States  Northwest  of  the  River  Ohio,  was  interrogated 
by  the  committee,  and  the  result  is  contained  in  his  deposition, 
Appendix  ( L  M. ) 

In  the  course  of  the  investigation  entrusted  to  the  eomniittee,  a 
number  of  persons  were  examineil.  whose  testimony  in  many 
instances  proved  to  be  immaterial.  It  was  thought  proper  to  take 
the  depositions  of  Elisha  B.  Hopkins,  Charles  Buxton,  and  John 
Franklin,  which  arc  herewith  rej^orted — Ap|)endix  (N  O.)  (P  Qj 
iind  ( R  S. ) 

On  the  13th  of  July,  the  Chevalier  D'Vrujo,  the  Minister  Pleni- 
potentiary of  his  Catholic  Majesty,  called  on  the  committee  and 
made  the  communications,  in  the  A|)i)endix  marked  fA  B  C)  (D 
E  F. )  In  consequence  of  these  communications  the  committee 
immediately  dispatched,  by  mail,  to  Major  Lewis,  their  messenger 
to  the  State  of  Tennessee,  the  letter.  Appendix  (S,)  covering  a 
Bubpcena  for Mitchel,  named  in  the  said  communication.  Ma- 
jor Lewis  has   informed   the  committee,  since  his  return,  that  lie 


Ob  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

received  the  letter  and  subpoena,  but  that  his  most  diligent  inqui- 
ries were  unavailing  to  discover  the  person  described  in  them. 

On  the  24th  of  July,  the  Chevalier  D'Yrujo  again  called  up- 
on the  committee,  and  introduced  to  them  John  Phillips  Ripley, 
Avho  delivered  a  paper  containing  the  information  afterwards  in- 
cluded in  his  deposition  (G  H  I.)  On  the  succeeding  day,  the 
Chevalier  D'Yrujo  presented  to  the  committee,  Thomas  Odiorne, 
Avho  afterwards  made  the  deposition,  (K  L  M.)  Although  there 
was  an  appearance  of  irregularity  in  the  medium  adopted  by  these 
persons  for  making  their  communications  to  the  committee ;  and  al- 
though the  committee  at  that  time  possessed  satisfactory  evidence 
that  the  statement  made  in  these  depositions  were  incorrect,  so  far 
as  related  to  the  essential  objects  of  investigation  and  inquiry, 
and  although  it  was  not  very  material  whether  the  mistake  pro- 
ceeded from  the  misrepresentation  of  Captain  Eaton,  or  the  mis- 
apprehension of  the  witnesses,  or  from  worse  motives,  it  was 
nevertheless  conceived  to  be  the  duty  of  the  committee,  in  justice 
to  the  persons  named  in  these  depositions,  to  ol)tain  an  explana- 
tion from  Captain  Eaton,  of  the  facts  asserted  in  them.  On  this 
subject  the  House  is  referred  to  the  letters  marked  in  the  Appen- 
dix (T,)  (U,)  CV),  (W)  and  to  the  deposition  (N  0  P)  and  for  fur- 
ther evidence  connected  lierewith,  to  the  report  of  Captain  Eaton, 
before  mentioned  (E,)  and  the  letter  from  Richard  Harrison,  Esq., 
Attorney  of  the  United  States  for  the  District  of  New  York,  to  tlie 
Secretary  of  State,  (E,  No.  2.)  It  is  proper  to  add  that  the  cau- 
tion given  by  Col.  Pickering  to  Captain  Eaton,  was  intimated  to 
him  by  request  of  the  committee,  who  were  apprehensive  that  an 
indiscreet  and  premature  disclosure  of  evidence  might  increase 
the  difficulty  of  further  discovery. 

The  letter  from  Captain  Eaton  to  Col.  Hogdon,  alluded  to  in 
the  deposition  of  the  former,  is  on  the  files  of  the  committee,  and 
corroborated  his  narrative. 

On  or  about  the  6th  of  Octoljcr  the  Secretary  of  ^\'ar  trans- 
mitted to  the  committee  the  letters  in  the  Appendix  (No.  11,  A) 
and  (No.  11,  B)  from  Jobn  Chisholm  to  Col.  John  McKee  and 
John  Rogers,  respectively,  dated  March  17,  171>7. 

On  the  23d  of  November  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  His 
Catholic  jNIajesty  sent  to  the  committee  the  note  of  that  date  (Q 
R  S)  covering  the  letter  (Q  R  S,  No.  2)  from  Elijah  Clark  to  the 
Spanish  consul,  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  dated  August  9,. 
1797.  It  is  obvious  that  this  communication  has  been  made  too  late- 
to  enable  the  committee  to  pursue  the  investigation  of  its  contents^ 


LIFE    OF   WILLIAM     RLOINT.  87 

A  larjie  package  of  the  circular  letters  (No.  2U)  was  intercepted 
aiul  delivered  to  tiie  coiuinittee ;  some  of  these  letters  were  directed 
to  various  persons  in  Teiniessee;  others  were  Inldrd  without  any 
address. 

The  committee  have  supposed  it  to  he  their  duty  to  sul^mit  to 
the  House,  in  addition  to  the  exhihits  hereinheforc  referred  to,  the 
correspondence  contained  in  the  Appendix  (A  n)  to  (A  U)  inclu- 
sive, on  account  of  its  connection  with  the  ohject  of  their  appoint- 
ment ;  althou<i;h  a  i)art  of  these  communications,  heing  anony- 
mous, could  not  form  the  basis  of  any  further  proceedings ;  and 
altiiough  where  further  investigation  was  attempted,  it  failed  of 
producing  satisfactory  information.  The  letters  (A  a,)  (A  b,)  (A 
c),  (A  g)  appear  to  be  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and 
were  delivered  by  him  to  the  committee. 

The  committee  in  presenting  to  the  consideration  of  the  House 
this  succinct  narrative  of  their  proceedings,  together  with  the 
evidence  collected  by  tluin  and  the  correspondence  annexed,  be- 
lieve that  they  suflicicntly  lullill  the  duty  assigned  to  them,  with- 
out anticipating,  by  their  own  inferences  or  observations,  the 
judgment  of  the  House  on  the  whole  matter.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  some  suggestions  still  remain  unexplained,  or  that  any  part 
of  the  subject  should  continue  in  obscurity ;  but  the  committee 
have  done  all  in  their  power  for  the  discovery  of  the  truth,  with- 
out incurring  a  greater  expense  than  the  probability  of  success 
was  deemed  to  warrant.  And  this  report  is  respectfully  submitted 
as  the  best  practicable  result  of  their  earnest  endeavors. 
November  30, 1797. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Mr.  Sltgreavei'  motion — Mr.  McDowell,  of  North  Carolina,  on  the  Sth 
of  January  calls  up  the  matter,  but  Mr.  Sitgreaves  being  absent  it 
was  further  postponed — Mr.  McDowell  renews  his  motion  on  Jan- 
uary IQth,  but  Mr.  Sitgreaves  being  absent,  no  action  is  taken — On 
the  nth  Mr.  Sitgreaves  appeared — The  Articles  of  Impeachment 
read  on  the  29th  of  January — Iheir  full  text. 

After  the  report  and  documents  had  been  read,  Mr.  Sitgreaves 
said  :  "  It  had  been  usual  upon  extraordinary  and  important  oc- 
casions, to  have  printed  more  copies  of  papers  than  the  usual 
number ;  he  thought  this  was  one  of  those  occasions  and  moved 
that  six  hundred  copies  might  be  printed." 

The  motion  ^vas  agreed  to,  and  the  report  and  documents  were 
ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

The  matter  lay  over  until  the  Sth  of  January,  when  Mr.  Mc- 
Dowell, of  North  Carolina,  called  it  up,  stating  that  there  was 
great  agitation  of  the  public  mind  respecting  it,  and  concluded  by 
introducing  a  resolution  directing  the  committee  to  report  articles 
of  impeachment. 

It  appearing  from  the  journals,  however,  that  ISIr.  Sitgreaves 
had  leave  of  absence,  the  resolution  of  Mr.  McDowell  was  ordered 
to  lie  on  the  table. 

Again,  on  Tuesday,  January  16,  Mr.  jMcDowell  rose  and  renewed 
his  motion.  He  would  not  agree  to  any  further  delay.  He  spoke 
of  the  promptness  with  which  the  House  had  acted  at  the  com- 
mencement of  this  business.  No  sooner  had  Mr.  Blount's  letter 
been  laid  before  them  Ihan  he  was  impeached.  That  committee 
had  made  a  report,  but  no  further  step  had  yet  been  taken.  What 
were  the  motives  of  the  ccmmittee  he  could  not  tell ;  they  per- 
haps tliought  they  had  done  their  duty.  He  thought  the  House 
was  bound  to  the  country  to  proceed  with  the  business,  and  that 
they  were  incurring  censure  every  hour  which  they  neglected  it. 

Mr.  Sitgreaves  still  being  absent,  the  decision  of  the  question 
was  postponed  till  the  following  Thursday.  On  Wednesday,  the 
17th,  Mr.  Sitgreaves  was  present,  and  said  he  would  not  go  into 
the  reasons  for  the  delay,  but  would  state  that  the  committee 
would  report  the  Articles  of  Impeachment  in  two  or  three  days. 


LIKE    OF    WILLIAM    BLulNT.  89 

On  ^londay,  the  29th  of  January,  1790,  tlic  Arlick'S  of  Impeach- 
ment were  presented  to  the  House. 

In  moving  to  take  up  the  Articles,  Mr.  Sitgreavcs  made  tlie  fol- 
lowing important  statement,  to  wit: 

''  It  would  be  seen  that  the  Articles  were  predicated  upon  the 
single  letter  of  William  Blount  to  James  Carey,  which  was  com- 
municated to  the  House  by  the  President  of  the  United  States." 

The  Articles  of  Impeachment  are  tlie  following,  viz  : 

Articles  exhibited  by  tlie  Iluu.se  of  Ixeprescatativcfs  of  the  Vnitcd  Slates, 
in  the  name  of  themselves  and  of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
against  William  Blount,  in  the  maintenance  of  their  impeachment 
against  him  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

Article  1.  That,  whereas,  the  United  States,  in  the  months  of 
February,  March,  April,  May  and  June,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-seven,  and  for  many 
years  then  past,  were  at  peace  with  His  Catholic  Majesty,  the 
King  of  Spain ;  and,  whereas,  during  the  months  aforesaid,  His 
said  Catholic  Majesty  and  the  King  of  Great  Britain  were  at  war 
with  each  other;  yet,  the  said  William  Blount,  on  or  about 
the  months  aforesaid,  then  being  a  Senator  of  the  United  States, 
and  well  knowing  the  premises,  but  disregarding  the  duties  and 
obligations  of  his  high  station,  and  designing  and  intending  to 
disturb  the  peace  and  tranquility  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
violate  and  infringe  the  neutrality  thereof,  and  conspire,  and  con- 
trive to  create,  promote,  and  set  on  foot  within  the  jurisdiction 
and  territory  of  the  United  States,  and  to  conduct  and  carry  on 
from  thence,  a  military  hostile  expedition  against  the  territories 
and  dominions  of  His  said  Catholic  Majesty  in  the  Floridas  and 
Lousiana,  or  a  part  thereof,  for  the  purpose  of  wresting  the  same 
from  His  Catholic  Majesty,  and  of  conquering  the  same  for  the 
King  of  Great  Britain,  with  whom  His  said  Catholic  Majesty  was 
then  at  war  as  aforesaid,  contrary  to  the  duty  of  his  trust  and 
station  as  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  in  violation  of  the  obli- 
gations of  neutrality,  and  against  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
xmd  the  peace  and  interests  thereof. 

Article  2.  That,  whereas,  on  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  October, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  liundrcd  and  ninety- 
five,  a  Treaty  of  Friendship,  Limits,  and  Navigation  had  been 
made  and  concluded  between  the  United  States  and  His 
Catholic    Majesty,    l)y    the  Fifth  Article    whereof    it    is   stipu- 


90  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

lated  and  agreed,  "  that  the  two  liigh  contracting  parties 
shall,  by  all  the  means  in  their  poAver,  maintain  peace  and  har- 
mony among  the  several  Indian  nations  who  inhabit  the  coun- 
try adjacent  to  the  lines  and  rivers,  Avhicli.  hy  the  preceding  arti- 
cles, form  the  boundaries  of  the  two  Floridas ;  and  the  better  to 
obtain  this  effect,  both  parties  oblige  themselves  expressly  to  re- 
strain by  force  all  hostilities  on  the  part  of  the  Indian  nations 
living  within  their  boundary,  so  that  Spain  will  not  suffer  her  In- 
dians to  attack  the  colrmics  of  tlic  United  States,  nor  the  Indians 
inhabiting  her  territory  ;  nor  will  the  United  States  permit  these 
last-mentioned  Indians  to  commence  liostilities  against  subjects  of 
His  Catholic  ^lajesty  or  iiis  Indians,  in  any  manner  whatever ;"' 
yet,  the  said  William  Blount,  onor  aliout  tlic  months  of  February, 
March,  April,  May  and  Jum'.  in  tlic  year  of  our  Lord  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  ninety-seven,  then  being  a  Senator  of  the- 
United  States,  and  well  knowing  the  ])remises,  and  that  the  United 
States  were  then  at  peace  with  His  said  Catholic  Majesty,  and  that  His 
Catholic  Majesty  was  at  war  with  the  King  of  (Jrcat  Britain,  but 
disregarding  the  duties  of  his  high  station,  and  tlie  stipulations  of 
the  said  treaty,  and  the  obligations  of  neutrality,  did  conspire  and 
contrive  to  excite  the  Creek  and  Cherokee  Nations  of  Indians,  then 
inhabiting  within  the  territorial  boundai-y  of  the  United  States,, 
to  commence  hostilities  against  the  sul)jects  and  ]>ossessions  of  His 
Catholic  Majesty,  in  the  Floridas  and  Lousiana,  ibr  the  purpose  of 
reducing  the  same  to  the  dominion  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain^ 
Avith  whom  His  Catholic  Majesty  was  then  at  War  as  aforesaid; 
contrary  to  the  duty  of  his  trust  and  station  as  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  in  violation  of  the  said  treaty  of  Friendship,  Limits, 
and  Navigation,  and  of  the  obligations  of  neutrality,  and  against 
the  laws  of  the  United  States,  an<l  the  peace  and  interests 
thereof: 

Akticlk  .3.  That,  whereas,  by  the  ordinances  and  acts  of  Con- 
gress for  regulating  tratlc  and  intercourse  with  the  Indian  trilies, 
and  for  preserving  ])cace  in  the  ii(  nti(  is.  it  1:;  s  lien  made  lawful 
for  the  President  of  the  United  Stat(  s.  in  order  to  secure  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  friendshi|i  of  the  said  Indian  irihes,  to  appoint 
such  persons,  from  time  to  time,  as  tt  inpoiaiy.  agents,  to  reside 
among  the  Indians,  as  he  shall  think  lit  :  ainl  ^\h(reas,  in  pursu- 
ance of  the  said  authority,  the  President  of  the  I'nittd  States,  on 
or  about  the  eighth  day  of  Se])teniber,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand   seven  hundred  and  ninety-six,  did  ai)point  Benja- 


LIFK    OF    WH.I.IAM     r,I,()UNT.  91 

mill  Hawkins,  to  be  the  priiuipal  tciuitoraiy  af^ent  for  Indian  af- 
fairs, within  tlie  nations  sonth  of  the  river  Oliio,  and  north  of  the 
territorial  line  of  the  Initcd  States;  and  whereas  the  said  Benja- 
min Hawkins  aeeri>tcd  tin-  said  aii].(iiutment,  and  on  the  21st 
day  t>f  Ai)ril,  in  the  year  of  onr  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred and  ninety-si'ven,  and  for  a  long  time  Ijefore  and  afterwards, 
did  exi-reise  the  funetions,  powers  and  duties  attached  to  the 
same  ;  yet  the  said  William  Bhnmt,  on  or  al^out  tlie  said  twenty- 
first  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  ninety-seven;  then  being  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States,  and  well  knowing  the  premises,  did,  in  the  prosecution  of 
his  criminal  designs  and  of  his  conspiracies  aforesaid,  and  the 
more  etlectually  to  accomplish  his  intention  of  exciting  the  Creek 
and  Cherokee  Nations  of  Indians  to  commence  hostilities  against 
the  subjects  of  His  Catholic  Majesty,  further  conspire  and  contrive 
to  alienate  and  divert  the  confidence  of  the  said  Indian  tribes  or 
nations  from  the  said  Benjamin  Hawkins,  the  principal  temporary 
agent  aforesaid,  and  to  diminish,  impair,  and  destroy  the  influ- 
ence of  the  said  Benjamin  Hawkins  with  the  said  Indian  tribes, 
and  their  friendl}' intercourse  and  understanding  with  him,  con- 
trary to  the  duty  of  his  trust  and  station  as  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  and  tlu'  jicacc  and  inte-rcsts  thereof. 

Article  4.  That,  whereas,  by  the  ordinances  and  acts  of  Con- 
gress aforesaid,  it  is  made  lawful  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  establish  trading  houses  at  such  places  and  posts  on  the 
■western  frontiers,  or  in  the  Indian  country,  as  he  shall  judge  most 
convenient,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  a  liberal  trade  with  the 
several  Indian  nations  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  appoint  an  agent  at  each  trading  house  established  as  aforesaid^ 
with  such  clerks  and  assistants  as  maybe  necessary  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  said  acts  :  And.  wlioicas,  by  a  treaty  made  and  conclu- 
ded on  the  second  "lay  of  -luly.  iu  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  thou- 
sand seven  hunelred  and  ninety-one,  l)etwecn  the  United  States 
and  the  Cherokee  Nation  of  Indians,  inhal)iting  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  States,  it  is  stipulated  and  agreed,  tlnit  '*  the  United 
States  will  send  such,  and  so  many  persons  to  reside  in  said  na- 
tion, as  they  may  judge  proper,  not  exceeding  four,  who  shall 
qualify  themselves  to  act  as  interpreters."  And,  whereas,  the 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  as  well  in  pursuance  of  the 
authorities  in  this  article  mentioned,  as  of  the  acts  of  Congress 
referred  to  in  the  third  article,  did  ai)point  James  Carey  to  be  in- 
terpreter of  the  United  States  to  tlie  Cherokee  nation  of  Indians, 


92  LIFK    OF    WILLIAM  BLOUNT. 

to  assist  at  the  public  trading  house  estabhshed  at  the  Tellico 
Blockhouse  in  the  State  of  Tennessee.  And,  whereas,  the  said 
James  Carey  did  accept  the  said  appointments,  and  on  the  twenty 
first  day  of  April,  in  the  year  last  aforesaid,  the  said  William  Blount 
then  being  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  and  well-knowing  the  prem- 
ises, did,  in  prosecution  of  his  criminal  designs,  and  in  furtherance  of 
his  conspiracies  aforesaid,  conspire  and  contrive  to  induce  the  said 
James  Carey  from  the  duty  and  trust  of  his  said  appointments,  and  to 
engage  the  said  James  Carey  to  assist  in  the  promotion  and  exe- 
cution of  his  said  criminal  intentions  and  conspiracies  aforesaid, 
contrary  to  the  duty  of  his  trust  and  station  as  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  and  against  the  laws  and  treaties  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  peace  and  interests  thereof. 

Article  5.  That,  whereas,  certain  tribes  or  nations  of  Indians 
inhabit  within  the  territorial  limits  of  the  United  States,  between 
whom,  or  many  of  them,  and  the  settlements  of  the  United  States  cer- 
tain boundary  lines  have,  by  successive  treaties,  been  stipulated  and 
agreed  upon,  to  separate  the  lands  and  possessions  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  citizens  thereof;  and,  whereas,  particularly,  by 
the  treaty  in  the  last  article  mentioned,  to  have  been  made  with 
the  Cherokee  Nation,  on  the  second  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-one,  the  boun- 
dary line  between  the  United  States  and  the  Cherokee  Nation  was 
agreed  and  defined  ;  and  it  was  further  stipulated,  that  the  same 
should  be  ascertained  and  marked  plainly  by  three  persons  ap- 
pointed on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  three  Cherokecs  on 
the  part  of  that  nation ;  and,  whereas,  by  another  treaty  made 
with  the  said  Cherokee  Nation,  on  the  26th  day  of  June,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-four, 
the  said  hereinbefore  recited  treaty  of  the  second  day  of  July,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-one, 
was  confirmed  and  establislied,  and  it  was  mutually  agreed  that 
the  said  boundary  line  should  be  actually  ascertained  and  marked 
in  the  manner  prescribed  by  the  said  last  mentioned  treaty  ;  and. 
whereas,  in  pursuance  of  the  said  treaties,  Commissioners  Avere 
duly  nominated  and  appointed  on  tbe  part  of  the  United  States, 
to  ascertain  and  mark  ihe  said  boundary  line  :  yet  the  said  Wil- 
liam Blount,  on  or  about  the  said  twciity-lirst  •lay  of  April,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundiH^l  and  ninety-seven, 
then  being  a  Senator  of  the  United  Stati's,  and  well  knowing  the 
premises,  in   further  pro.seeution  of  his  said  criminal  designs  and 


LIFE    OF    \VII.I.T.\>[     ISLOUNT. 


93 


of  liis  conspiracies  aforesaid,  and  ihc  more  eflVctually  to  accom- 
plish his  intention  of  exciting  the  said  Indians  to  commence  hos- 
tilities against  the  subjects  of  His  Catholic  Majesty,  did  further 
conspire  and  contrive  to  diminish  and  impair  the  confidence  of 
the  said  Cherokee  Nation  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  create  and  foment  discontents  and  disaffection  amongst  the 
said  Indians  towards  the  Government  of  tlie  United  States,  in  re- 
lation to  the  ascertainment  and  making  of  the  said  boundary 
line,  contrary  to  the  duty  and  trust  of  his  station  as  a  Senator  of 
the  United  States,  and  against  the  peace  and  interests  thereof. 

And  the  House  of  Representatives,  by  protestation,  saving  to 
themselves  the  liberty  of  exhibiting,  at  any  time  hereafter,  any 
further  articles,  or  other  accusation  or  impeachment  against  the 
said  William  Blount,  and  also  of  replying  to  his  answers  which 
he  shall  make  unto  the  said  Articles,  or  any  of  them,  and  of  offer- 
ing proof  to  all  and  every  of  the  aforesaid  Articles,  and  to  all  and 
every  other  Articles,  impeachment  or  accusation,  which  shall  be 
exhibited  by  them,  as  the  case  shall  require,  to  demand  that  the 
said  ^^'illiam  Blount  may  be  put  to  answer  the  said  crimes  and 
misdemeanors,  and  that  such  proceedings,  examinations,  trials, 
and  judgments,  may  be  thereupon  had  and  given  as  are  agreea- 
ble to  law  and  justice. 

The  Articles  were  agreed  to. 


CHAPTER    XXIIl. 

luimes  of  the  managers  of  the  Impeachment — The  managers  present 
the  Articles  of  Impeachment  on  February  7th — Debate  on  Mode  of 
Procedure^  and  resolutions  adopted — Mr.  Livermore^s  resolutions — 
Committeeappointed  to  report  on  Mode  of  Procedure — Report  adop- 
ted, by  a  vote  of  22  to  5 — Mr.  Sitgreaves'  remarks  on  receipt  of 
Senate  proceedings — A  conference  between  the  two  Houses — Mr. 
Ross  reports  from  the  Managers. 

The  managers  of  the  Impeachment  on  the  part  of  the  House 
were  elected  by  ballot,  and  consisted  of  Messrs.  Sitgreaves,  Bay- 
ard, Harper,  Gordon,  Pinckney,  Dana,  Sewall,  Hosmer,  Dennis, 
Evans  and  Tenlay.  Mr.  Baldwin  was  elected,  but  declined  to 
serve. 

On  Wednesday,  February  7th,  the  Managers  were  introduced  to 
the  Senate  and  presented  the  Articles. 

After  some  debate  as  to  the  mode  of  proceeding  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment generally,  it  was,  on  Friday,  Dth, 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  should  l)e  constituted  a  Court  for  the 
trial  of  impeachments  by  taking  the  following  oath,  viz : 

I, ,  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm,  as  the  case  may  be)  that 

in  all  things  appertaining  to  the  trial  of  the  impeachment  of 

,  I  will  do  impartial  justice  according  to  law. 

This  oath  or  aflinnation  was  to  1)0  adininisteved  by  the  Secretary 
to  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and  by  the  Pi'esiJent  to  each  mem- 
ber of  the  Senate. 

On  Tuesday,  February  15,  Mr.  Livermore  moved  in  the  Senate 
that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  consider  and  report  what  mea- 
sures ought  to  be  taken  in  regard  to  said  impeachment  preferred 
by  the  House  of  Representatives  against  ^Mlliam  Blount.  It  Avas 
agreed  that  the  motion  lie  for  consideration. 

On  Tuesday,  February  20th,  the  Senate  took  up  the  motion  made 
by  Mr.  Livermore  on  the  lotli. 

Whereupon,  Ordered,  That  Messrs.  Livermore,  Poss,  and  Stock- 
ton, be  a  committee  to  consider  and  report  the  same. 
'  On  Thursday,  February  22d,  the  committee  reported  in  part ; 
and  the  report,  which,  being  amended,  reads  as  follows : 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    IILOUXT.  95 

"  The  committee  to  whom  was  recommitted  the  rci)ort  of  the 
■committee  appointed  to  jn-epare  rules  of  proceeding'in  the  case 
of  the  impeachment  against  William  jilount,  report,  in  part,  that 
a  writ  of  summons  issue,  directed  to  the  said  William  Blount,  in 
the  form  following : 
"  United  States  of  America  : 

"  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  of  Anurica  to  William  Blount, 
late  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  for  the  State  of  Tennessee, 
greeting  :  Whereas,  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  did,  on  the  7th  day  of  July  last  ])ast,  in  their 
own  name  and  in  the  name  of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
impeach  you,  tiie  said  William  Blount,  charging  you  with  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors  hefore  the  Senate  of  the  United  States: 
And,  whereas,  the  said  House  of  Representatives  did,  on  the  7th 
day  of  Fobruary,  of  the  present,  year,  exhibit  to  the  Senate  their 
Articles  of  Impeachment  against  you,  the  said  William  Blount, 
charging  you  with  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  therein  specially 
set  forth,  (a  true  copy  of  which  Articles  of  Impeachment  is  an- 
nexed to  this  writ)  and  did  demand  that  you,  the  said  William 
Blount,  should  be  put  to  answer  the  said  crimes  and  misdemean- 
ors ;  and  that  sucii  i)roceedings,  examinations,  trials  and  judg- 
ments might  be  thereiore  had,  as  are  agreeable  to  law  and  justice, 
j'ou,  the  said  William  Blount,  are,  therefore,  summoned  to  be  and 
appear  before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  of  America,  at  their 
Chamber,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, on  the  third  Monday  of  December  next,  at  the  hour  of  eleven 
of  that  day,  then  and  there  to  answer  the  said  Articles  of  Im- 
peachment, and  then  and  thereto  abide  by,  obey  and  perform,  such 
orders  and  judgments  as  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall 
make  in  the  premises,  according  to  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of 
the  said  United  States.  And  herein  you  are  no  wise  to  fail.  AVit- 
ness,  the  Hon.  Thomas  Jefferson,  Esq.,  Vice  Presidentof  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  President  of  the  Senate  thereof,  at  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  the  first  day  of  March,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lurd  179S,  and  of  the  indcpondencc  of  the  United  States,  the 
twenty-second. 

"  Which  summons  shall  be  signed  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Senate. 

"  That  the  said  summons  shall  be  served  on  the  said  William 
Blount  by  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  of  this  House,  or  a  special  mes- 
senger, who  shall  leave  a  true  copy  of  the  writ  and  the  Articles 
annexed  with  the  said  William  Blount,  il  he  can  be  found,  show- 


96  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

ing  him  the  original ;  or  at  the  several  places  of  residence  of  the 
said  William  Blount,  if  he  cannot  be  found.  Which  messenger 
shall  make  return  of  the  writ  of  summons,  and  of  his  proceedings 
in  virtue  thereof,  to  the  Senate,  on  the  appearance  day  therein 
mentioned. 

"And  that  a  message  be  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
giving  information  that  the  Senate  have  directed  the  said  writ  to 
be  issued,  and  of  the  day  mentioned  therein  for  the  appearance  of 
the  said  William  Blount." 

The  report  was  agreed  to;  yeas,  22,  nays  5.  Messrs.  Anderson 
and  Jackson,  Senators  from  Tennessee,  both  voted  in  the  nega- 
tive. 

On  March  2d  these  proceedings  were  reported  to  the  House. 
Whereupon,  Mr.  Sitgreaves  gave  his  reasons  for  thinking,  that  the 
return  day  of  the  writ  of  summons  should  be  made  to  the  jDresent 
session.  He  said:  ''He  did  not  know  how  the  demand  from  this 
House  ought  to  be  made  for  the  appointment  of  an  earlier  day  in 
the  summons ;  but  he  thought  it  would  be  well  to  commit  the 
message  to  a  select  committee ;  which  committee,  if  the  House 
thought  proper,  might  be. the  managers  of  the  Impeachment." 

On  April  6th,  Mr.  Sitgreaves,  on  behalf  of  the  managers,  intro- 
duced a  resolution  that  a  conference  be  desired  Avith  the  Senate, 
and  that  the  managers  of  the  Impeachment  be  the  managers  for 
the  House  at  the  j)roposed  conference ;  that  the  object  of  this  con- 
ference was  to  request  the  Senate  to  make  the  return  day  of  the 
summons  to  fall  during  the  present  session  of  Congress. 

The  resolutions  were  adopted. 

On  April  16th,  Mr.  Ross,  from  the  managers  ai)pointed  l)y  the 
Senate,  reported  a  resolution  : 

"  That  it  is  not,  at  this  time,  expedient  to  alter  the  return  day  of 
the  summons." 

Which  was  agreed  to. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

The  Senate^  on  December  17,  1798,  resolved  itself  into  a  Ilit/h  Court  of 
Impeachment  for  the  trial  of  William  Blount — Mr.  Blount  was 
called,  and  did  not  answer — On  the  next  day  Jared  Lujersol  and 
A.  J.  Dallas  ivere  admitted  by  the  Court  as  Counsel  for  Mr.  Blount 
— Mr.  Ingcrsol  malrs  his  plea — Its  full  text — Mr.  Bayard's  rcpli- 
catiua — Its  fall  tc.ct. 

On  Docombcr  17,  1798,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  fuiniecl 
itself  into  a  High  Court  of  Impeachment  for  the  trial  of  William 
Blount. 

James  Mathers,  Sergeant-at-arms  of  the  Senate,  made  return 
under  oath  that  he  had  executed  his  process  by  reading  a  copy  of 
the  writ  of  summons  to  William  Blount  and  also  by  leaving  a 
copy  at  his  place  of  residence  of  Avhich  he  informed  the  said  Wil- 
liam Blount. 

By  order  of  the  President  tlie  Sergeant-at-arms  of  the  Senate 
made  proclamation  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Hear  ye  !  Hear  ye  !  Hear  ye  !  William  Blount,  late  a  Sen- 
ator from  the  State  of  Tennessee,  come  forward  and  answer  the 
Articles  of  Impeachment  exhibited  against  you  l>y  the  House  of 
Ixe[)resentatives." 

William  Blount  not  ai)pearing,  tlic  Court  adjourned  to  12  o'clock 
the  next  day. 

December  IStli  Jared  Ingerscd  and  A.  J.  Dallius  wereadjnitted  by 
the  Court  to  appear  as  the  defendant's  counsel. 

On  motion,  the  managers  of  the  Impeaclimcnt  were  allowed 
until  the  24th  to  make  further  preparations. 

.Deceml)er  24th,  the  managers  of  the  Impeachment  moved  that 
the  counsel  for  the  deponent  be  required  to  produce  their  powers 
of  attorney  to  appear  for  tlie  defence. 

The  Court  ruled  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  i)roduce  any  sucli 
authority,  as  the  counsel  had  already  been  admitted. 

Whereupon  Mr.  Ingcrsol  made  the  following  jilca,  which  was 
read  by  the  Secretary  : 

"  Lv    THK    SkNATK  of  the  r.MTKD  StATKS, 

••  December  24,  1798. 
"  The  aforesaid  William  Blount,  saving  and  reserving  to  him- 
self all  exceptions  to  the  imperfections  and  uncertainty  of  the  Ar- 


98  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

tides  of  Impeachment,  by  Jared  Ingersol  and  A.  J.  Dallas,  bis 
attorneys,  comes  and  defends  tbe  force  and  injury,  and  says  that 
he,  to  the  said  Articles  of  Impeachment  preferred  against  him  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  ought  not  to 
be  compelled  to  answer,  because  he  says,  that  the  eighth  article  of 
certain  amendments  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  having 
been  ratified  by  nine  States,  after  the  same  was,  in  a  Constitutional 
manner,  proposed  to  the  consideration  of  the  several  States  in  the 
Union,  is  of  equal  obligation  wdth  the  original  Constitution,  and 
now  forms  a  part  thereof,  and  that  by  the  same  article  it  is  de- 
clared and  provided  that  "In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  ac- 
cused shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  im- 
partial jury  of  the  State  and  District  wherein  the  crime  shall 
have  been  committed,  which  district  shall  have  been  previously 
ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of 
the  accusation,  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him, 
to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor, 
and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

"  That  proceedings  by  impeachment  are  provided  and  per- 
mitted by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  only  on  charges 
of  bribery,  treason,  and  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  al- 
leged to  have  been  committed  by  the  President,  Vice  President, 
and  other  civil  officers  of  the  United  States,  in  the 
execution  of  their  offices  held  under  the  United  States,  as  appears 
by  the  fourth  section  of  the  second  article,  and  by  the  seventh 
clause  of  the  third  section  of  the  first  article,  and  other  articles 
and  clauses  contained  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

"  That  although  true  it  is,  that  he,  the  said  William  Blount,  was 
a  Senator  of  the  United  States  from  the  State  of  Tennessee,  at  the 
several  periods  in  the  said  Articles  of  Impeaciiment  referred  to ; 
vet,  that  he,  the  said  William  Blount,  is  not  now  a  Senator,  and  is 
not,  nor  was  at  the  several  periods,  so  as  aforesaid  referred  to,  an 
officer  of  the  United  States ;  nor  is  he,  the  said  William  Blount,  in  and 
by  the  said  articles  charged  with  having  connnitted  any  crime  or 
misdem6anor,  in  the  execution  of  any  civil  officp  held  under  the 
United  States,  or  with  any  malconduct  in  civil  office,  or  abuse  of 
any  public  trust,  in  the  execution  thereof. 

"That  the  Courts  of  Common  Law,  of  a  criminal  jurisdictioii. 
of  the  States,  wherein  the  offences  in  the  said  articles  recited  are 
said  to  have  been  committed,  as  well  as  those  of  the  United  States, 
are  competent  to  the  cognizance  prosecution,  and  punishment,  of 
the  said  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  if  the  same  have  been  perpe  - 


LIKK    Ol'    WILLIAM     lU.or.NT.  99 

trated,  as  is  sujri^estctl  and  cliarircd  hy  tlif  said  artidrs,  wliidi, 
however,  he  utterly  denies.  All  whieli  the  said  William  is  ready 
to  verify,  and  i)rays  jud^nnent  whether  this  Ilijih  Court  will  have 
further  eoij;nizanee  of  this  suit,  and  of  the  said  impeachment,  and 
whether  he,  the  said  William,  to  the  said  Articles  of  Impeach- 
ment, so  as  aforesaid  preferred  by  the  House  of  llepresentatives  of 
the  United  States,  ought  to  be  compelled  to  answer. 

"Jaukd  Ingkrsol, 

''A.  J.  Dallas." 
Jamaky  3,  1799. 

To  the  foregoinof  plea  Mr.  Bayard,  chairman  of  the  managers  on 
the  part  of  the  House,  made  replication  as  follows : 

"The  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  prosecuting, 
on  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  people  of  the  United  States,  the 
Articles  ot  Impeachment  exhil)ited  ])y  them  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  against  the  said  William  Blount,  reply  to  the  plea 
•of  the  said  William  Blount,  and  say.  that  the  niatlrrs  alleged  in 
the  said  plea  are  not  sufficient  to  exempt  the  said  \\'illiam  Blount 
from  answering  the  said  Articles  of  Impeachment,  because  they 
say  that,  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  House  of 
Representatives  had  power  to  i)refer  the  said  Articles  of  Impeach- 
ment, and  that  the  Senate  have  full  and  the  sole  power  to  try  the 
same.  Whereupon  they  demand  that  the  plea  aforesaid,  of  the 
said  William  Blount,  be  not  allowed,  but  that  the  said  William 
Blount  be  compelled  to  answer  the  said  Articles  of  Impeachment. 
Signed  by  order  and  on  1)clialf  of  the  House, 

'' JoNATirAN  D.^YTON,  Speaker.'^ 

Mr.  Ingersoll  rejoined  as  follows  : 

"  And  the  aforesaid  William  Blount,  by  Jared  Ingersol  and  A. 
J.  Dallas,  his  attorneys,  says  that  the  matter  by  him  betbre  alleged, 
Avhich  he  is  ready  to  verify,  is  sufficient  reason  in  law  to  show  that 
this  Court  ought  not  to  hold  jurisdiction  of  the  said  impeach- 
ment and  the  Articles  therein  set  fortli ;  which  said  matter  so  as 
aforesaid  by  him  alleged,  the  said  House  of  Representatives  not 
having  denied  or  made  answer  thereto,  he  prays  the  judgment  of 
this  honorable  Court,  whether  they  will  hold  ftirther  jurisdiction 
of  the  said  impeachment,  or  take  cognizance  thereof,  and  whether 
the  said  William  Blount  shall  make  further  ansv/er  thereto. 

''Jaukd  Ingkrsoll, 

"A.  J.  Dallas." 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Comments—Sijnopsis  of  Mr.  Bayard's  Argument— Mr.  Dallas  replies 
to  Mr.  Bayard — Synojms  of  his  Argument — Mr.  IngersoVs  Argu- 
ment— Mr.  Harper's  Argument. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  pleadings  that  the  plea  went  to  the  jud- 
isdiction  of  the  Court ;  that  issue  was  joined  on  a  pure  question 
of  law,  and  that  the  merits  of  the  ease  were  in  no  wise  rclavant 
to  the  decision. 

By  agreement,  Mr.  Bayard  first  addressed  the  Court. 

Mr.  Bayard  first  took  up  the  question  of  the  right  to  a  trial  by 
jury,  which  was  raised  in  the  plea.  He  argued  that,  even  allow- 
ing that  objection  the  utmost  latitude,  it  was  not  pertinent  in  a 
plea  to  the  jurisdiction  ;  because,  before  anything  could  be  found 
for  a  jury  to  try,  the  articles  must  be  answered,  the  facts  put  in 
issue,  and  then,  indeed,  the  question  niight  be  proper,  whether  the 
Court  were  bound  to  award  a  process  in  the  nature  of  a  venire  fa- 
cias, to  bring  a  jury  to  the  bar.  Admitting,  then,  that  it  belonged 
to  a  jury  to  try  the  facts,  this  in  itself  would  be  a  weighty  reason 
to  show  that  the  articles  ought  to  be  answered  for  the  purpose  of 
forming  the  issues,  which  alone  could  be  the  objects  of  the  trial 
by  jury.  He  argued  further,  that  if  the  objection  Avent  to  the  ju- 
risdiction of  the  Senate,  that  this  would  extinguish  its  judicial 
character  entirely  and  utterly  defeat  the  impeachment  provision 
in  the  Constitution.  He  thought  that  while  it  was  the  genera^ 
rule  that  a  trial  by  jury  was  guaranteed  in  criminal  prosecutions, 
that  there  were  exceptions  in  the  cases  of  impeachments  and 
courts  martial. 

Having  disposed  of  this  objection,  Mr.  Bayard  maintained  : 

1.  That  impeachment  is  not  confined  to  officers,  but  exti'uds  to 
every  citizen. 

2.  That  a  Senator  is  an  oflicer  of  tlie  United  States,  and  as  such 
officer  is  lialde  to  impeachment  l)y  express  constitutional  provi- 
sion. 

To  establish  the  first  point,  he  urged,  that  the  Constitution  em- 
ployed terms  in  their  common  law  signification,  and  hence,  must 
be  interpreted  and  construed  under  the  rules  of  the  common  law 
Thus,  the  Constitution  in  a  multitude  of  instances  emi)loys  terms 
wliicli  it  does  not  define,  but  the  meaning  of  which  we  must  seels 


LIFK    OF    WII.I.IAM     lU.oCNT.  lOl 

in  tlic  coininon  hnv  ;  o.  q.,  avIhh  it  is  saiil  that  attainder  shall  not 
•work  corruption  of  the  blood,  wc  must  have  recourse  to  the  com- 
mon law  to  know  what  "corruption  of  blood"  is.  So  with 
regard  to  impeachment.  What  was  impeachment  at  common 
law  ?  For  what  otlences  did  it  lie  ?  What  class  of  persons  were 
liable  to  impeachment?  Mr.  Bayard  endeavoreil  to  show  that  the 
question  of  impeachal)ility  was  a  question  of  discretion,  only,  with 
the  Commons  and  Lords  and  would  lie  for  whatever  they  con- 
ceived a  high  crime  or  misdemeanor,  and  that  every  individual 
was  liable  on  an  impeachment.  This  bein*;:  the  common  law,  the 
impeachment  provision  of  the  Constitution  must  l)e  construed  in 
accordance  with  it. 

To  establish  the  second  ]ioint — that  a  Senator  is  an  olfieer — Mr. 
Bayard  made  a  lont:  ami  lalxired  argument,  wiiidi  cannot  wvW  be 
abridged,  and  whieh  is  too  tedious  and  techuieal  to  l)e  triven  here. 

With  regard  to  the  objection  that  William  Blount  was  not  an 
officer  of  the  United  States,  ]\Ir.  IJayard  says  the  objection  falls  if 
either  of  the  two  propositions  set  out  can  be  maintained  ;  the  ob- 
jection that  he  is  not  now  a  Senator  is  not  well  taken,  if  he  was 
such  when  the  impeachment  was  instituted ;  the  objection  that 
the  acts  charged  were  not  connected  with  the  execution  of  the  du- 
ties of  his  office,  is  not  well  taken,  because  there  is  nothing  in  the 
Constitution  which  confines  impeachment  to  official  acts  and  such 
restriction  is  contrary  to  the  plain  dictates  of  common  sense; 
finally,  with  regard  to  the  suggestion  that  the  courts  of  common 
law  had  competent  jurisdiction,  it  was  not  true,  because  those 
courts  could  not  disipialify.  which  power  belonge<l  exclusively  to 
this  court  (the  Senate,  i 

January  4th,  Mr.  Dallas  follow(Ml  for  the  defendant.  He  stated 
that  he  thought  the  condsideration  of  two  propositions  would 
embrace  all  that  was  necessary  to  1)e  said,  either  in  maintenance 
of  the  idea  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Senate,  or  in  answer  to  the 
adverse  arguments.     lie  should,  therefore,  endeavor  to  establish, 

1.  That  only  civil  officers  of  the  United  States  are  impeachable  ; 
and  that  the  offences  for  which  an  inipeachment  lies,  must  i»e 
committed  in  the  executi(.)n  of  a  ])ulilic  ollice. 

2.  Tiiat  a  Senator  is  not  a  civil  officer  impeachable  within  the 
meaning  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  that,  in  the  i)resent  instance, 
no  crime  or  misdemeanor  is  charged  to  have  l>een  connnitted  by 
William  Blount  in  the  character  of  a  Senator. 

Mr.  Dallas  would  not  have  thought  it  necessary  to  discuss  the 
first  branch  of  the  first  proposition  had  it  not  been  for  there- 


102  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM   BLOUNT, 

markable  position  taken  by  the  manager,  that  impeachment  lies- 
against  all  persons  and  for  every  species  of  office,  to  be  determined 
by  the  discretion  of  Congress.  Mr.  Dallas  said, "  A  claim  of  juris- 
diction so  unlimited,  embracing  every  object  of  the  penal  code, 
annihilating  all  discriminations  between  civil  and  military  cases, 
and  overthrowing  the  boundaries  of  Federal  and  State  authority, 
ought  surely  to  have  been  supported  by  an  express  and  unequivo- 
cal obligation :  but,  behold,  it  rests  entirely  on  an  arbitrary  impli- 
cation from  the  use  of  a  single  word. 
Mr.  Dallas  insisted : 

1.  That  "  the  doctrine  is  contrary  to  the  j>'>'^nci'ples  of  our  Fed- 
eral compact,"  under  which  "  all  the  powers  and  attributes  of  the 
National  Government  are  matters  of  express  and  positive  grant 
and  transfer ;  whatever  is  not  expressly  granted  and  transferred^ 
must  be  deemed  to  remain  with  the  people,  or  with  the  respective 
States." 

2.  That  the  doctrine  is  inconsistent  with  the  general  policy  of 
tlie  law  of  impeachments.  He  quotes  Woodeson  to  show  that  im- 
peachment w^as  intended  to  reach  that  kind  of  offences  and  that 
that  class  of  delinquents,  when,  from  the  nature  of  the  offence 
and  the  influence  of  the  person  the  ordinany  courts  could  not  give 
adequate  redress  or  secure  the  necessary  protection.  He  also 
stated  that  all  the  instances  specified  in  Woodeson  are  of  an  offi- 
cial nature ;  and  no  other  description  of  impeachment  by  the 
Commons  can  be  traced  in  the  English  books. 

3.  The  doctrine  is  inconsistent  with  a  fair  construction  of  the 
the  terms  of  the  Constitution.  In  arguing  this  jioint  Mr.  Dallas 
remarked  in  conclusion :  "  The  power,  as  it  relates  to  the  civil  offi- 
cers of  the  United  States,  is  expressly  given  ;  it  is  not  expressly 
given  as  relates  to  any  other  description  of  citizens ;  and,  there- 
fore, it  is  cnougli  to  ol>serve  that  it  cannot  be  assumed  or  im- 
plied." 

Upon  the  second  branch  of  the  first  general  proposition,  (tiiat 
the  offence  for  which  an  impeachment  lies  must  be  committed  in 
the  execution  of  an  oflicial  trust)  JNfr.  Dallas  remarked,  that  the 
courts  of  the  country  had  power  to  punish  for  the  common  of- 
fences, but  not  for  all  official  offences  ;  hence  the  necessity  of  im- 
peachment, and  its  restriction  to  this  sphere.  He  fortified  this 
position  by  reading  express  provisions  to  this  effect  from  the  Con- 
stitutions of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  New  York,  Pennsyl- 
vania, North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Vermont,  Ken- 
tucky and  Tennessee,  and  argued  that,  this  being  the  sense  of  the- 


LIFE    OV   WILLIAM    HLoUNT.  103 

States  imlivRlually,  it  iniglit  be  lairly  iHTsuim'd  to  Ix-  their  sense 
collectively. 

Upon  the  second  general  proposition,  the  argument  is  technical 
and  very  elaborate — too  much  so  to  be  reprotlucetl  here.  Mr. 
Dallas  argued  in  general  that  "  the  Legislative  Department  is,  in 
all  free  governments,  regarded  as  the  sovereign ;  and  those  who 
compose  it  cannot  be  properly  classed  as  civil  oflicers,  or  the  subor- 
dinate functionaries  of  the  State."  He  urged  the  great  inconve- 
nience Avliich  would  arise  from  an  opposite  construction  l)y  de- 
stroying the  independence  of  the  two  branches  of  the  Legislature, 
by  enabling  the  House  of  Representatives  to  drive  a  Senator  from 
his  seat,  by  arming  a  majority  with  the  instruments  of  personal 
vengeance  against  their  political  opponents,  and  by  ren- 
dering Senators  the  judges  in  the  description  of  "  civil  officers  " 
would  generate  endless  absurdity  and  inconsistency  in  the  Consti- 
tution itself.  He  said,  in  conclusion,  that  the  the  Honorable  man- 
ager has  misunderstood  his  plea  in  supposing  it  to  assert  a  right 
of  trial  by  jury  in  cases  properly  impcachaljlc. 

Mr.  Ingersoll  followed  Mr.  Dallas,  and  in  the  same  line  of  argu- 
ment, considei'ing  in  succession  tlie  nature,  the  extent  and  the  ob- 
jects of  the  power  of  impeachment,  and  arriving  at  the  general 
propositions  upon  which  the  argument  hinged,  and  which  had 
been  stated  by  Mr.  Dallas.  We  make  one  quotation  from  his 
speech.  He  says :  "  As  a  further  indication  how  little  analogy 
there  is  between  the  character  of  a  Senator  and  that  of  an  officer 
of  the  Executive  of  the  United  States,  let  it  be  recollected  that  if 
a  Senator  resigns,  or  dies,  in  the  recess  of  the  State  Legislature, 
the  Executive  of  the  State,  not  of  the  United  States,  supplies  the 
vacancy.  Tlie  small  State  of  Delaware  has  the  same  number  of 
Senators  as  the  large  State  of  Massachusetts.  Wliy?  Because 
the  Senators  are  the  representatives  of  soveriegnty.  Refine  as  we 
please,  this  proceeding  aims  at  tiie  Legislative  character  of  the 
Senator.  The  impeachment  destroys  his  influence  as  such.  Com- 
mon fame  is  a  sufficient  foundation  for  this  mode  of  proceeding  ; 
its  immediate  effect,  let  the  opinion  of  tlie  House  of  Representa- 
tives determine  who,  on  this  occasion,  even  before  the  articles 
were  presented  or  prepared,  requested^''  that  the  accused,  merely 

*They  demanded  it. — Eu. 
on  an  intimation  from  them  that  they  had  resolved  to  impeach 
him,  might  be  suspended  from  his  seat  in  this  House." 

Mr.  Henper,  on  the  part  of  the  managers,  concluded  the  argu- 
ment. 


104  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM  BLOUNT 

He  maintained  the  same  two  general  propositions  that  had  been 
laid  down  by  Mr.  Bayard.  Upon  the  first  proposition,  insisting 
that  every  person  for  every  crime  is  liable  to  impeachment  under 
the  discretion  of  the  House,  in  conformity  Avith  what  he  alleged 
to  be  the  English  doctrine  on  this  point,  he  asks  :  "  if,  therefore, 
it  be  proper  and  necessary  to  recur  to  every  art  and  science  for  the 
explanation  of  terms  which  have  been  borrowed  from  it,  where 
shall  Ave  search,  but  in  the  common  law  of  England,  for  the  nature 
and  extent  of  the  poAver  of  impeachment  Avhich  our  Constitution 
has  borroAved  from  that  laAV  ?  It  is  answered,  that  Ave  must  recur 
to  the  Constitution  itself.  This,  Mr.  President,  I  would  most 
readily  admit — nay,  most  earnestly  contend  for — did  the  Consti- 
tioji  contain  any  explanation  on  this  subject.  But  is  that  the 
case?  Let  the  Constitution  answer."  Not  finding  any  exposition 
of  the  nature  and  extent  of  impeachment  in  the  Constitution,  he 
concludes  that  its  nature  and  extent  are  to  be  determined  by  the 
Common  Law  of  England.  "  It  cannot  be  doubted,"  he  says, 
''  that  the  term  'impeachment '  "  in  our  Constitution  has,  and  Avas 
intended  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  to  have  pi*ecisely  the  same 
meaning,  force,  and  extent,  as  in  the  English  law.  And  it  being 
perfectly  clear  that  in  the  English  laAv  the  poAA'er  of  impeachment 
is  unlimited,  and  extends  to  CA'ery  person  and  to  every  offence,  it 
folloAvs  undeniably  that  the  positions  of  m}'  learned  colleague  re- 
mains unshaken,  and  that  the  defendant  in  the  present  case  is 
liable  to  impeachment  for  the  offences  charged  against  him  by  the 
House  of  Representatives." 

Upon  the  second  general  proposition  (that  a  Senator  is  a  civil 
officer  of  the  United  States  Avithin  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution) 
the  argument  of  Mr.  Henper  is  more  elaborate  than  that  of  his 
colleague,  Mr.  Bayard,  and  its  character  is  such  that  to  make  an 
abridgment  of  it,  Avhich  Avould  fairly  outline  it,  and  Avould  be 
for  this  Avork  impracticable.  Those  wisljing  to  pursue  this  question 
further  arc  referred  to  the  document  itself. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Comments  on  the  Arguments  of  Counsel — The  Resolutions  submitted  on 
the  7th  of  January,  on  Liability  to  Impeachment — The  debate— The 
vote  taken  January  10th  and  determined  in  the  negative  by  a  vote 
of  yeas  11,  nays  14 — On  motion  to  dismiss  proceeding  there  are  14 
ayes  and  11  nays — The  Vice-President  announces  the  result  and 
the  Court  adjourned  without  day. 

In  regard  to  all  these  arguments  it  may  be  remarked  in  general, 
tliat  they  are  learned,  lengthy,  and  able,  but  have  no  bearing 
Avhatever  upon  the  historical  facts  of  the  alleged  conspiracy.  They 
are  interesting  to  the  lawyer,  as  monuments  of  Constitutional  law, 
coming  down  from  the  first  decade  of  our  national  existence  ;  to 
the  historian  they  are  interesting,  as  showing  what  progress  had 
been  made  in  settling  the  construction  of  the  Constitution; 
they  are  interesting  to  the  statesman  and  the  philosopher  as  throw- 
ing light  upon  the  nature  of  the  government,  and  as  evidences  of 
the  inherent  defects  of  a  written  Constitution,  which  made  such 
argument  loossiblc. 

January  7th.     On  motion  to  agree  to  the  following  resolutions  : 

That  William  Blount  was  a  civil  officer  of  the  United  States, 
within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and, 
therefore,  liable  to  impeachment  by  the  House  of  Representatives ; 

That,  as  the  Articles  of  Impeaclnnent  charge  liim  with  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors,  supposed  to  have  been  committed  while 
he  was  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  liis  pleaouglit  to  be  over- 
ruled. 

After  debate,  on  motion,  tlie  Court  adjourned  till  12  o'clock  the 
next  day. 

January  8th,  the  Senate  resumed  consideration  of  the  motion, 
and,  after  debate,  tlie  Court  adjourned  till  the  next  day,  12  o'clock. 

January  9th,  the  Senate  resumed  consideration  of  the  motion, 
and  after  debate  adjourned  till  12  o'clock  the  next  day. 

January  10th,  the  Court  proceeded  in  the  debate  on  the  motion, 
and  on  the  question  to  agree  thereto  it  was  determined  in  the  nega- 
tive— yeas  11 ;  nays  14,  as  follows: 


106  LIFE    OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

Yeas. — Messrs.  Chipman,  Davenport,  Goodhue,  Latimer,  Liver- 
more,  Lloyd,  Paine,  Ross,  Stockton,  Sedgwick  and  Tracy. 

Nays. — Messrs.  Anderson,  Bingham,  Bloodworth,  Brown,  Foster, 
Greene,  Gunn,  Hillhouse,  Howard,  Langdon,  Marshall,  Martin, 
Mason  and  Read. 

On  motion,  the  Court  adjourned  till  12  o'clock  the  next  day. 

January  11th,  on  motion,  it  was  determined  that — 

The  Court  is  of  o])inion  that  the  matter  alleged  in  the  plea  of 
the  defendant  is  sufficient  in  law  to  show  that  this  Court  ought 
not  to  hold  jurisdiction  of  the  said  impeachment,  and  that  the 
said  impeachment  is  dismissed. 

Yeas  14,  nays  IL 

The  yeas  and  nays  on  this  question  were  exactly  the  reverse  of 
what  they  were  on  the  last. 

On  motion,  Ordered  that  the  Secretary  notify  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives that  the  Senate  will  be  read}^  to  receive  the  managers 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  counsel  on  ^Iond;iy  next,. 
January  14,  at  12  o'clock,  to  render  judgment  on  the  impeach- 
ment against  William  Blount. 

The  Court  then  adjourned. 

January  14th,  the  Court  was  opened  and  the  parties  were  in  at- 
tendance. The  Vice  President  pronounced  the  judgment  of  the 
Court  as  follows : 

Gentlemen,  Managers  of  the  House  of  Rcpresentctivcs,  and  Gentlemen^ 
Counsel  for  WUliam  Blount: 

The  Court,  after  having  given  the  most  mature  and  serious  con- 
sideration to  the  question,  and  to  the  full  and  able  arguments 
urged  on  both  sides,  has  come  to  the  decision  whicli  I  am  now 
about  to  deliver. 

"The  Court  is  of  opinion  that  the  matter  alleged  in  the  plea  of 
the  defendant  is  sufficient  in  law  to  show  that  this  Court  ought 
not  to  hold  jurisdiction  of  the  said  impeaehrnent,  and  that  the 
said  impeachment  is  dismised." 

Copies  of  the  judgment  were  delivered  to  the  managers  and  to 
the  counsel  for  the  defendant,  respectively. 

After  which  they  withdrew;  and,  on  motion,  the  Court  ad- 
journed without  a  day. 


CHAPTER   XXYll. 

Observations  on  the  testimony — Political  Excitement  and  Influences — 
Calm  Judgment  after  nearly  a  Century,  and  a  review  of  all  tlie 
facts  and  circumstances — Quotations  from  Dr.  Ramsey''s  and  Put- 
nam's Histories. 

After  the  lapse  of  almost  a  century  from  the  time  wlien  these 
proceedings  were  had,  we  are  able  to  form  a  better  judgment  re- 
specting them  than  could  be  formed  at  the  time,  when  political 
excitement  was  at  a  high  pitch  and  when  the  public  mind  was 
agitated  and  alarmed  by  all  sorts  of  rumors  and  treasons,  conspi- 
racies, and  civil  wars.  Viewed  under  the  light  we  now  have,  the 
expulsion  of  Gen.  Blount  from  the  Senate  and  his  impeachment 
must  be  pronounced  hasty,  ill-advised,  and  unjust. 

Fortunately,  the  statement  of  Mr.  Sitgreaves,  ciiairman  of  com- 
mittee to  prepare  the  articles,  that  the  articles  were  i)redicated 
solely  upon  the  Carey  letter,  confnies  the  examination  of  the  question 
of  Gov.  Blount's  legal  guilt  or  innocence  within  a  narrow  compass. 
There  are  only  two  points  to  be  inquired  into :  First,  does  the 
Carey  letter  justify  tlic  articles;  second,  is  the  letter  itself  evidence 
of  guilt. 

First :  The  charge  in  the  first  article  is  that  Gov.  Blount  "  con- 
spired and  contrived  "  to  organize  a  military  expedition  "  within 
the  jurisdiction  and  territory  of  the  United  States  and  to  conduct 
and  carry  on  from  thence  a  hostile,  military  expedition,  &c." 

It  is  not  charged  that  Gov.  Blount  actually  did  set  on  foot  such 
an  expedition  or  even  undertook  to  do  so.  The  charge  in  this 
article  is  the  conspiracy.  Now  it  is  true,  that  to  constitute  the 
crime  of  conspiracy,  no  overt  act  is  necessary.  But  it  is  equally 
true,  that  there  must  be  a  positive  and  definite  agreement  and 
confederacy  to  do  some  particular  unlawful  thing.  A  consulta- 
tion about  the  practicability  of  doing  an  unlawful  thing,  or  even 
an  agreement  to  do  an  unlawful  thing  upon  contingencies,  which 
contingencies  never  happen  is  not  a  conspiracy.  It  is  equally 
true  that  one  person  alone  cannot  be  guilty  of  conspiracy.  With 
whom,  then,  does  it  appear  from  the  Carey  letter  that  Gov.  Blount 


108  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

conspired?  So  far  is  tlie  letter  from  proving  that  C4ov.  Blount 
had  conspired  to  do  some  jDarticular  unlawful  thing,  that  it  states 
the  contrary  in  express  language,  no  less  than  three  distinct  times. 
He  says :  "  I  believe,  hut  amnot  quite  sure,  that  the  plan  then  talked 
of  will  be  attempted  this  fall,  &c."  Again  :  "  You  are,  however, 
to  understand  that  it  is  not  yet  quite  certain  that  the  plan  will  be  at- 
tempted." Finally  :  "  if  I  attempt  this  plan,  &c."  Could  an  in- 
telligent jury  be  found  in  the  United  States  Avhich  would  convict 
for  conspiracy  upon  evidence  which  established  the  fact  that  the 
very  object  that  the  alleged  conspiracy  was  designed  to  effect 
had  not  yet  been  agreed  upon  ?  If  there  was  a  conspiracy  at  all, 
the  British  Government  was  a  party.  But  the  British  Govern- 
ment had  not  yet  acceded  to  any  arrangement,  and  what  Gov. 
Blount  should  do  depended  entirely  upon  what  that  Government 
should  do.  So  the  charge  of  conspiracy  falls,  The  charge  in  this 
article  that  he  conspired  and  contrived  to  set  on  foot  within  the 
United  States  and  carry  on  from  thence  a  military  expedition 
against  Spain  is  utterly  without  ground  of  support  in  the  Carey 
letter.  On  the  contrary,  it  appears  from  the  letter  that  no  action 
whatever  was  to  he  taken  unless  satisfactory  arragements  were 
made  in  England ;  and  even  had  these  arrangements  been  made, 
it  was  an  arbitrary  and  unwarranted  proceeding  on  the  part  of 
the  committee  to  assume  and  charge  that  the  expedition  would  be 
arranged  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  and  its  neu- 
trality be  thereby  violated. 

The  charge  in  the  second  article  must  fall  with  that  in  the  first, 
.and  for  the  same  reasons.  Gov.  Blount  did  not,  in  fact,  incite  the 
Indians  to  war  against  Spain,  nor  did  he,  in  fact,  conspire  so  to  do. 
While  writing  Carey  that  he  expects  to  have  his  Indian  friends 
with  him,  he  tells  him  over  and  over  again  that  there  is  nothing 
certain,  and  that  lie  does  not  know  whetlier  he  will  engage  in  tlie 
enterjarise  or  not. 

With  respect  to  the  third  article,  the  committee  must  have  been 
quite  sensible  of  the  weakness  of  the  material  out  of  which  they 
were  laboring  to  bring  forth  an  impeachment,  when  they  had  re- 
course to  this  accusation.  The  charge  in  substance  is,  that  Gov. 
Blount  was  trying  to  get  Hawkins  out  of  office,  because  he  was 
against  his  plan.  Now,  if  tlie  plan  could  be  shown  to  be  criminal 
tlien,  indeed,  there  would  be  a  propriety  in  showing  that  lie  wished 


LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     I5LOUNT.  109 

to  remove  Hawkins,  the  better  to  accomplish  it ;  but  until  this 
coukl  be  shown,  the  charge  that  Gov.  Blount  desired  Hawkins' 
removal  is  irrelevant,  if  not  ridiculous. 

With  regard  to  the  fourth  article,  that  he  attempted  to  seduce 
James  Carey  from  his  duty  and  trust  as  a  servant  of  the  United 
States  and  engage  him  in  "  his  said  criminal  intentions  and  con- 
spiracies "  the  same  remark  is  to  be  repeated,  that  if  the  "  said 
conspiracy  "  had  been  established,  then  the  charge  would  have 
been  pertinent.  But  the  tact  is,  Gov.  Blount  did  not  know 
whether  he  Avould  attempt  anything  or  not,  and  distinctly  told 
Carey  that  he  did  not  know  whether  his  services  would  be  required 
or  not. 

Witli  regard  to  the  iiftli  article,  the  same  remark  is  in  place. 
That  Gov.  Blount,  in  order  to  keep  up  liis  consequence  among  the 
Indians,  should  tell  the  Indians  that  the  government  of  the 
United  States  had  swindled  them,  is  not  in  itself  a  crime.  To 
judge  from  the  general  conduct  of  the  government  and  government 
agents  towards  the  Indians,  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that  the 
Indians  had  been  over-reached  and  cheated. 

The  fatal  defect  in  all  the  articles  is  this :  They  each  and  every 
one  assume  the  precise  thing  which  it  was  incumbent  on  the  com- 
mittee to  establish  by  jyroof.  Assuming  the  fact  of  a  criminal  con- 
spiracy they  make  charges,  which,  if  true,  do  not  in  themselves 
amount  to  criminal  charges,  but  can  only  be  construed  as  such 
on  the  assumption  of  a  previous  conspiracy,  which  is  the  very  gist 
of  the  whole  matter,  and  which  they  never  troubled  themselves 
to  prove,  but  simply  took  for  granted.  If  Gov.  Blount  Avas  guilty 
at  all,  he  was  guilty  either  of  a  conspiracy,  technically  understood, 
or  of  an  overt  act,  or  of  both.  That  he  w'as  not  guilty  of  a  con- 
spiracy, we  have  already  attempted  to  show,  we  have  also  en- 
deavored to  show  that  his  efforts  were  only  criminal  on  the  condi- 
tion that  they  were  put  forth  in  the  endeavor  to  accomplish  some 
particular  and  definite  object,  criminal  in  itself.  Now  if  it  appears 
from  the  Carey  letter  (and  it  certainly  does  appear)  that  Gov. 
Blount  had  not  yet  formed  any  intention  or  purpose  whatever,  the 
foundation  of  the  whole  impeachment  fails. 

Second  :    Is  the  letter  itself  evidence  of  guilt? 

After  what  has  been  said  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  dwell  upon 


110  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

this  point.  A  careful  reading  and  fair  construction  of  the  letter 
shows  the  following  facts,  viz  : 

A  plan  of  some  kind  had  been  talked  over  in  Philadelphia  the 
winter  before ;  Captain  Chisholm  mentioned  the  subject  to 
the  British  Minister ;  Gov.  Blount  was  interested  in  the  plan ;  a 
person  had  gone  to  England  to  see  if  the  necessary  preliminary 
•arrangements  could  be  made ;  the  Indians  were  expected  to  take 
a  part  if  the  plan  should  be  attempted  ;  it  was  to  be  kept  secret 
from  all  persons  in  the  interest  of  the  United  States  or  of  Spain ; 
Gov.  Blount's  consequence  was  to  be  kept  up  among  the  Indians ; 
Hawkins,  who  would  oppose  the  plan,  is  to  be  removed  from 
oflSce,  if  practicable ;  the  letter  w^as  to  be  burned  when  read. 

A  very  suspicious  letter,  indeed,  if  we  assume,  as  the  com- 
mittee did,  a  criminal  plan;  but  entirely  innocent  in  the  absence 
■of  such  assumption.  Now,  as  a  man  is  not  to  be  presumed  guilty, 
at  the  outset,  and  as  Gov.  Blount's  guilt  or  innocence  depended 
"upon  the  nature  of  his  plan,  and  as  this  letter  throws  no  light 
upon  the  nature  of  the  plan — which  in  fact  is  not  a  pk?i,  but  the 
possibility  of  a  plan,  it  would  follow  that  no  evidence  of  Gov. 
Blount's  guilt  is  furnished  by  the  letter.  In  truth,  the  fact  that 
the  Argus-eyed  Sitgreaves  squeezed  the  letter  for  the  articles,  is 
sufficient  to  show  that  there  was  no  ground  for  a  charge  in  the 
"letter  which  had  not  been  brought  forward  in  the  articles. 

The  foregoing  review  of  the  articles  of  impeachment  has  been 
made  from  a  technical,  legal  stand-point.  Such  a  view  is  neces- 
sarily narrow,  it  is  special  pleading;  but  it  is  precisely  the  kind  of 
pleading  that  is  requisite  and  necessary  to  employ  against  the  in- 
dictment in  the  articles.  It  has  been  our  purpose  to  attempt  to 
show  that  the  charges  could  not  be  substantiated  either  in  law  or 
in  fact.  If  this  should  ai)pear  then  Gov.  Blount  is  vindicated  in 
law. 

But  there  is  a  much  higher,  and  by  far  a  more  interesting  considera- 
tion, and  that  is:  Was  Gov.  Blount  morally  guilty  of  any  crim- 
inal transaction? 

It  is  a  matter  of  deep  regret  that  much  valuable  material  relat- 
ing to  this  subject  has  been  hopelessly  lost  or  destroyed.  Judge 
John  B.  Robertson,  of  New  Orleans,  Avrites  to  Gov.  James  D. 
Porter,  of  Tennessee,  unde^  date  of  February  6,  1876,  as  follows  : 

"  I  have  spent  two  days  in  the  Louisiana  State  Library  trying  to 


LIFK    OK    WII.I.IAM     HI.Or.NT.  Ill 

find  material  upon  which  to  iVauii'  an  answer  and  rcfntation  to 
the  charges  against  the  pioneers  of  TLinusscc,  l)Ut  the  seareh  was 
vain;  as  the  library  of  the  State,  once  so  rich  in  In.storic  material, 
lias  been  robbed  and  plundered  of  most  of  its  standard  matter. 

"  With  the  scanty  records  obtainable  here,  I  would  not  attempt 
a  i)artial  answer  to  these  old  slanders,  when  I  know  that  the  ma- 
terial and  records  may  be  found  in  Tennessee  for  a  full  and  com- 
]detc  vindication  of  William  lilount  and  his  co-patriots  in 
Trnnessee." 

]5ut  the  AYork  of  destruction  had  not  been  conliiicd  to  the 
Louisiana  State  Library.  Dr.  Ramsay,  the  liisi(.ri:in  of 'l'(  iniessee, 
writes  to  Gov.  Porter,  February  14,  187(5,  as  follows: 

■"Every  one  knows  that  William  Blount,  one  of  the  L'nited 
States  Senators  from  TcMincsseo,  was  iin]ieaclu'(l  ])efore  that  body 
and  expelled  from  it.  .Inly  S.  IT-'T.  In  your  letter  you  allude  to 
his  vindication  as  made  in  I800  l)y  his  l)r<)ther,  Willie  Blount, 
formerly  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and  referred  to  in  my  history  ot 
the  State,  page  702.  Unfortunately  that  able  and  impartial  vindi- 
cation, together  with  all  the  other  Blount  papers,  executive  journal 
and  corresi)on(lence  Avith  which  the  executor  of  Governor  Willie 
Blount  had  generously  enriched  my  large  collection  of  historical 
and  biogra])hical  and  other  material  for  my  second  volume,  were 
all  in  my  ollice,  when  in  ISii:;,  my  private  residence,  oflice, 
extensive  historical  library,  corresi)ondence,  and  museum,  man" 
iiscripts,  all  became  a  prey  to  the  rapacity  and  incendiarism 
of  a  Federal  soldier,  and  w'ere  all  consumed  together." 
Doctor  Ramsay  says  of  this  document: 

"Governor  AVillie  Blount,  the  writer  of  it,  was  a  young'Cr  brothc 
of  Senator  Blount,  was  his  private  and  official  secretary,  and  was 
thus  associated  intimately  with  hiiu  in  most  of  the  transactions 
•of  his  public  and  privatelife,  and  wlio  succeeded  liim  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  duties  of  Governor  over  the  same  people  for 
many  years.  His  character  for  candor  and  truth  and  impartiality 
Avill  be  no  where  questioned,  and  the  position  of  no  one  could 
have  been  more  favoralde  for  the  ascertainment  of  all  the  facts  he 
mentions,  or  the  purposes  to  which  he  alludes  in  his  vindi- 
cation of  William  Blount.  At  the  time  I  read  it  (1862)  the  docu- 
ment was  closely  examined,  even  analyzed  in  all  ins  bearings — its 
arguments  and  its  conditions.  It  was  supported  by  the  most  ir- 
refragable testimony.  I  have  had  some  opportunity  in  my  i)ast 
life  of  sifting  and  comparing  contemporary  testimony,  from  wiiich 
•to  illuminate  historical  truth,  and  I  here  declare  the  vindication 


112 


LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 


by  Gov.  Willie  Blount  of  Senator  Blount  to  have  been  full  and 
complete,  not  only  explanatory  and  exculpatory  in  every  particu- 
lar, but  perfectly  satisfactory  to  myself  at  the  time  it  was  before 
me." 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

mud  the  ecidencc  showed  to  have  been  Gova-nor  BlounCs  object — He 
took  no  unlawftd  steps — An  examination  of  the  testimony  of  Dr. 
Romaijne — Colonel  McClellan  and  the  Blount  letter — Chishohn — 
No  evidence  that  Gov.  Blount  had  any  connection  xoith  him — Chis- 
hohis  influence  with  the  Indians. 

The  cvitlence  beforo  the  committee  shows,  and  it  is  I'liirly  ad- 
mitted, that  the  ostensible  phm  of  Gov.  Blount  was  to  co-operate 
with  England  inconc|ueringfor  that  power  the  Spanish  possessions 
in  the  Floridas  and  Louisiana.  We  say  "ostensible  plan,  be- 
cause it  may  be  that  he  conceived  the  ulterior  design  of  securing 
this  territory  for  the  United  States  afterwards.  But  let  this  pass 
as  conjecture.  There  was  nothing  criminal  in  the  wish  that  Great 
Britain  should  possess  this  country  in  preference  to  Spain,  nor 
was  there  anything  criminal  in  his  purpose  of  aiding  the  enter- 
prise, provided  he  took  no  unlawful  steps  in  so  doing,  such  as 
organizing  an  expedition  within  the  territory  of  the  United  States^ 
of  which  purpose  there  is  no  where  au}^  show  of  evidence. 

How  did  this  plan  originate  in  the  mind  of  Gov.  Blount? 

Doctor  Nicholas  Romayne  was  a  gentleman  of  fine  culture  and 
a  man  of  the  world.  He  was  acquainted  with  Mr.  Pinckney,  Sir 
AV.  Pulteney,  and  Mr.  Liston.  He  was  at  ease  in  this  society ; 
he  had  travelled  much  and  was  familiar,  as  his  letters  indicate, 
Avith  the  policies  of  the  different  courts  of  Europe.  He  was  un- 
doubterlly  fond  of  political  intrigue.  He  owned  some  land  in 
Xortli  Carolina,  and  had  occasion  to  correspond  with  (iov.  I'louiit 
al)Out  it.  Tiius  they  l)ecame  acquainted.  The  scheme  lor  a  land 
speculation  followed,  but  was  not  carried  out,  owing  to  tlie  small 
value  of  the  Western  lands.  Genesee  lands  were  high.  Tennessee 
lands  were  comparatively  valueless.  Wiiy  was  tliis  ''  The  Genes- 
see  country  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Canada  :  Tiiiiiessee  was  in 
the  neigliborhood  of  the  S])anis]i.  With  England  in  j)ossession 
of  Louisiana,  tlie  hauls  in  Tennessee  would  be  as  valuable  as 
those  of  the  Genessee.  It  seems  to  have  here  and  under  these 
circumstances  that  Gov.  Blount  first  conceived  the  idea  of  seeing 
what  could  be  done  to  put  Great  Britain  in  the  ])ossession  of 
Louisiana.     No  one   who   reads   Dr.    Romayne's    deposition   can 


114  LIFE   OF   WILLI A:M   BLOUNT. 

doubt  its  sincerity  imd  truth.  And  the  account  he  gives  of  the 
deep  feehng  exhibited  by  Gov.  Blount,  when  speaking  of  the  un- 
fortunate situation  of  the  Western  people,  shows  clcarl}'  enough 
that  it  was  his  regard  for  the  welfare  of  Tennessee — for  the  happi- 
ness and  prosperity  of  her  citizans — tliat  effected  him  even  to 
tears  ;  tears  which  it  Avas  never  dreamed  would  be  exposed  to  the 
public  gaze,  but  which  were  shed  in  secret  and  in  the  presence  of 
a  single  friend. 

With  how  much  energy  Gov.  Blount  })r()SL'Cutcd  Ins  plan,  with 
what  persons  he  conferred  about  it,  with  whom  he  corresponded 
we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  ^Yo  may  suppose,  however,  that 
he  had  been  active,  and  esjDecially  in  Tennessee.  Carey  swore 
before  the  committee  that  Col.  John  McClellan,  of  Knoxville, 
speaking  of  the  letter  he  (Carey)  had  given,  up,  had  declared,  that 
he  had  himself  recived  a  lettei*  from  Gov.  Blount  wdiich  he  pre- 
sumed was  of  the  same  purport  "  but,  by  G — d,  they  Avould  not 
get  that  from  him."  It  may  be  remarked  here  in  passing  that  it 
Avas  a  little  inconsistent  in  an  honorable  committee  to  follow  up 
anonymous  communications,  and  to  omit  to  send  for  such  a  gen- 
tleman as  Col.  McClellan.  If  Col.  McClellan  had  received  a  letter 
from  Gov.  Blount  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  many  other  persons 
had  also  received  similar  letters  ;  at  all  events,  Tennessee  Avas 
ready  for  Blount's  plan,  as  apj^ears  from  the  conduct  of  the  people 
on  the  impeachment  of  their  favorite. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Gov.  Blount  had  any  connection  Avhat- 
ever  Avith  the  brawling  Chisholm.  Blount  told  Romayne  that 
Chisholm  had  an  afitiir  of  his  OAvn  on  hand  Avhich  he  (Blount) 
judged  to  be  some  petty  plundering  enterprise.  This  Avas  not  the 
kind  of  an  enterprise  that  Gov.  Blount  contemplated.  Gov. 
Blount's  remarks  about  Chisholm,  as  they  appear  in  the  deposi- 
tions, all  go  to  shoAV  the  same,  and  that  Gov.  Blount  regarded  him 
as  a  marplot.  The  allusion  to  the  business  of  Captain  Chisholm 
in  the  opening  of  the  letter  to  Carey  shoAvs  no  connection  between 
them,  further  than  that,  Blount  kncAV  his  plans,  as  did  every  one 
else  Avho  Avould  letCinsholm  talk  to  them.  CJov.  Blount  means  to 
say  to  Carey,  to  Avhom  Chisholm  had  told  liis  own  plan :  "  You  knoAv 
Avhat  Chisholm  Avas  after  ;  Avell,  I  have  to  tell  you  that  something 
of  that  kind  may  possibly  be  attempted  this  fall."  It  is  not  rea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  a  man  of  Gov.  Blount's  experience,  and 
knowing  Chisholm  as  he  did,  should  entrust  any  secret  of  impor- 
tance to  his  keeping  or  run  the  risk  of  being  compromised  by  him. 
Chisholm  doubtless  had  some  influence   Avith  the  Indians   and 


lAVK    Ol-    W  11,1.1AM     Itl.nl    M\  1  IT) 

3uiglit  have  Ihtii  a  usi'Tul  man  in  the  |.i(.|iri-  place,  Init  tlial  {(lace 
Avas  a  very  sulxinlinate  (»iic.  It  was  alxnit  ilic 'JOtli  of  March, 
17i)7,  when  Chisliolni  sailed  lor  l^n-land.  In  a  letli-r  iVoin  Thomas 
Davytt.  Jiis  l.n.ther  William,  the  reader  will  ree.. licet  that  the 
writer  informs  him  that  Chishohn  had  ae.Mm|»lished  nothing. 
This  k'tter  is  dated  S.'ptemher  l-l,  17!>7.  Hut  Lord  ( Ireiivilh^s 
letter  to  Mr.  fiiston,  derliniu;j;  toaec(;deto  tln' plan,  hearsdate  April 
8th,  17U7.  The  lust  of  May  (lov.  IJlouut  seems  to  haveahandoiiecl 
the  husinei^s  and  wrote  to  Doctor  lioniayne,  ap()lo;,d/.in«r  for  not 
■writing;,  ami  ex[iressin'^'  his  esteem,  all  of  which  seem  to  indicate 
that  lie  regarded  the  affair  at  an  end.  On  the  2d  of  June,  Ko- 
mayne  writes  Gov.  Bh)unt  that  he  considers  the  project  "  more  un- 
certain than  he  diil/'  and  this  letter  ends  the  correspondence 
between  them. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

A  view  of  Affairs  in  Tennessee  previous  to  the  period  of  Gov.  Blount^s 
Impeachment — The  first  settlers  from  North  Carolina — These  made 
the  first  resistance  to  British  Ojypression — Defeat  of  Insurgents  at 
Alamance — The  people  of  the  Tcrrihrry  in  a  state  of  Political 
Orphanage — Robertson  and  Shelb)/ — T/w  '■  Volunteer  State  showed 
its  pluck  as  early  as  October  10,  1774 — Action  of  tlie  Watauga 
Convention,  In  J) etltioning  the  Prorisional  ('unncil of  North  Caro- 
lina to  Annex  them  to  that  District — Patriotism  of  tJic  early  Settleis 
Sevier,  Shelby  and  Marion — The  Services  of  tJte  2'ennexsec Soldiers — 
Col.  Robertson'' s  Settlement  on  the  Lower  Cumberland  Valley — Nash- 
ville— Relations  to  Spain — Gen.  Wilkinson — Sjiaiilsh  /ntrif/iics  to 
Destroy  Western  Settlements. 

A  preliminaryview  of  the  condition  of  afltiirs  in  Tennessee  })re- 
vious  to  this  period  will  be  of  much  assistance  in  the  effort  tolonu 
a  just  conception  of  Gov.  Bloiinfs  proposed  enterprise. 

The  first  settlers  of  Tennessee  were  the  insurLiciits  of  North 
Carolina,  who  made  the  first  armed  n^sistanct^  to  British  u]»i)ri's- 
Bion  on  this  continent,  and  shed  tlie  hi-st  lilood  in  the  cause  of 
American  liberty,  at  the  battle  of  Alamance,  Mn y  IC).  1771.  S[)cak- 
ing  of  these  men,  Dr.  Ramsey  says,  in  the  letter  Ix'fore  referred  to" 

" This  defeat  of  the  insurgents  at  Alamance  ([Uelled  for  a  time 
the  S]>irit  of  resistance,  l)ut  the  disatfeetion  remaineil  and  caused 
the  voluntary  exile  of  thousands  of  indiLiiiaiit  and  iii(le]icndent 
freemen  to  the  Western  wilds,  remote  fiom  the  sent  ol"  powei- 
and  free  from  the  opi)ressions  of  royal  oH'km  rs.  Wataiiua  Liavc  its 
cordial  welcome  to  these  honest  lieailed  and  xiiluous  ])atriot>.  and 
here  was  the  cradle  of  the  infant  Hercules.  'I'cnnessee.  lUit  follow 
these  pioneers  further.  In  the  midst  of  the  scchisions  of  their 
quiet  homes  in  the  wilderness,  the  refugees  iind  themsi'lves  iso- 
lated from  all  contact  with  any  organized  go\-enniiciit — willi  no 
allegiance  to  any  human  ])ower  or  law,  and  without  any  protec- 
tion ;  in  a  Avord,  in  a  stale  of  [lolitical  orphauage.  Without  rulers 
or  political  authority  amongst  themselves,  they  instinctively,  as  it 
were,  form  an  organization  of  their  own  and  call  themselvt's  t  he 
Watauga  Association,  which  is  even  now  considered  a  nu>del  of 


LIFK    OF    WII.I.IAM     lU.OlNT.  117 

solf-govcruimnt.  ami  I'idiu  its  |iartii:ii(lial  character  is  admitted 
to  be  "Well  a(lai)kd  to  the  wt-lfare  and  interests  of  a  primitive  peo- 
l»le.  Scarcely  is  this  simple  organization  completed  and  in  opera- 
tion when  a  rumor  reaches  tliem  that  an  invasion  of  an  adjoining 
■colony  is  threatened  by  a  distant  hostile  tribe,  instigated,  as  was 
believed,  by  British  connnissaries.  At  once  Alamance  was  re- 
membered and  a  si)irit  of  manly  resistance  to  British  oppression 
burns  in  the  bosom  of  every  frontiersman.  The  military  force  of 
the  infant  settlement  is  armed,  and  under  theconnnand  of  Captain 
Robertson  and  Isaac  »Shelby,  and  their  comrades  in  arms,  pene- 
trated the  rugged  and  trackless  wilderness,  and  made  the  first 
iirmed  resistance  to  arbitrary  power  in  the  West.  This  was  in  the 
sanguinary  liattle  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kanawa,  fought  October 
10,  1774.  Thus  early  divl  the  '•  Volunteer  State  "commence  lier 
novitiate  in  arms.  A  year  later  the  pioneer  fathers  of  Tennessee 
in  full  convention  assembled  at  Watauga  and  petitioned  the  "  Pro- 
visional Council  of  North  Carolina  "  to  annex  their  District  to 
that  province,  informing  the  Council  of  their  resolves  to  adhere 
strictly  to  the  rules  and  orders  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  in 
open  committee  acknowledged  themselves  indel)ted  to  the  United 
Colonies,  their  full  proportion  of  the  continental  expense,  and  of 
tlieir  earnest  wish  to  share  in  tlie  glorious  cause  of  liberty,"  such 
are  their  earnest  words,  and  ''  oflfering  for  its  advancement  the 
services  of  a  military  force  already  organized  under  Captain  Rob- 
ertson, to  act  in  the  common  cause  on  the  sea-shore."  How  were 
the  pledges  and  resolves  of  Watauga  carried  out  ?  Time  does  not 
permit  a  detailed  account  of  their  several  camj^aigns  again^^t  the 
t'nemy  and  their  tory  allies  at  the  P^nore,  Pacolet,  King's  .Moun- 
tain or  aftei  wards  at  Wappetaw,  where  Sevier  and  Sht'lby  jdincd 
the  camp  of  Marion  with  five  hundred  rifiemen  from  the  present 
Tennessee  and  drove  the  British  to  the  very  gates  of  Charlestown. 
It  must  be  sufficient  here  to  say  that  tlie  soldiery  of  what  is  now 
upper  East  Tennessee  had  rni<Jr:r<)ii.se(l  at  the  base  of  tlic  Appa- 
lachian Range.  They  had  ascended  its  summit  and,  precipitating 
themselves  from  these  heights  upon  the  plain  bt-low.  had  pursued 
the  enemy  to  the  coasts  of  the  Atlantic." 

Emigration  continued  and  the  settlements  were  extended.  In 
1780  Col.  Robertson  led  a  colony  of  forty  families  to  the  remote 
Avilderness  upon  the  hjwer  Cumberland  Valley.  A  location  was 
made  not  far  from  the  present  site  of  Nashville.  This  was  the 
nucleus  of  the  Cuml»erland  settlements.  Adventurers  fiocked 
thither:    antl   three    vears  afterwards    the  llood-^ates   of  (.'migra- 


118  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  BLOUNT. 

tion  were  opened,  when  North  Carohna  estabhshed  in  the  vicinity 
a  military  land  district. 

The  War  af  the  Revolution  ended  and  the  treaty  of  1783  was^ 
made.  Spain  had,  from  political  motives,  sympathized  with  the 
Americans  in  the  struggle  for  independence.  But  now,  Avhen  in- 
dependence had  been  achieved,  and  the  restless  vigor  and  energy 
of  the  American  people  was  displajing  itself  in  pushing  towards- 
the  Westward,  Spain  began  to  be  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  her  pos- 
sessions on  the  gulf  and  along  the  MississipjDi. 

Spain  possessed  and  occupied  the  whole  of  Louisiana  and  West 
Florida,  embracing  all  the  region  west  of  the  Mississippi,  as  well' 
as  its  eastern  bank  for  five  hundred  miles  above  its  mouth.  Be- 
sides this,  she  had  asserted  a  claim  to  the  whole  eastern  bank  up- 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  and  had  taken  posiscssion  of  the  same 
by  virtue  of  her  Indian  treaties. 

The  first  step  taken  by  Spain  to  accomplish  her  purpose  was  in- 
tended to  be  conciliatory.  She  offered,  through  Gen.  Wilkinson,  a 
liberal  grant  of  land  to  each  lamily  settling  within  her  jurisdiction 
and  the  privilege  of  trade  with  Louisiana  and  New  Orleans.  Those- 
who  did  not  avail  themselves  of  this  offer  were  prohibited  from 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  Some  settlements  were  made 
under  this  arrangement,  but  the  scheme  was  not  fruitful  in  results. 
In  Butler  and  Monette  may  be  seen  a  full  account  of  the  English,. 
French,  and  Spanish  intrigues  with  the  Western  people.  They 
are  too  remote  in  their  bearing  upon  our  subject  to  be  given  here. 
It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  it  was  the  abiding  purpose  of  Spain  to- 
destroy  our  Western  settlements.  First,  she  hoped  and  intrigued 
to  separate  them  from  the  Federal  Government.  Failing  in  that, 
there  remained  two  reserves,  to  set  the  Indians  upon  them  and  to 
close  the  Mississippi  against  them.     She  did  both. 


CHAPTFJl    \XX. 

Want  of  Protedion  of  the  Old  Confederation  hij  the  People  of  Tennes- 
see— Rejection  of  Kew  Federal  Comtitidion — Aftet-wards  aceepted 
it — Quotation  from  Monettcand  Putnam — Gen.  Robcrliion''.i  Proted 
againd  the  Polieij  of  the  Governmeid — GaardoquVti  report  on  his 
Return  to  Spain — Measures  Proposed  in  the  East  to  Discourage 
Emigration  to  the  West — Gov.  Morris,  Dr.  Ramsey,  Gov.  BlounVs 
Letter  to  the  People  of  Tennessee,  Jalg  5,  1795. 

Under  the  old  Confederation  tJic  people  of  Tennessee  had  lieen 
unaided  and  unprotected  in  all  their  Indian  wars.  They  luid  re- 
ceived neither  troops  nor  money.  Tliey  Avere  isolated  and  cut  off 
from  trade  with  the  East  by  mountain  rangers,  and  cut  ofl"  from 
New  Orleans  by  Spanish  prohibition  ;  the  United  States  was  either 
unable  or  unwilling  to  secure  for  them  the  free  navigation  of  the 
]\Iississippi  river  and,  in  general,  were  little  disposed  to  take 
notice  of  their  grievances.  They  entertained  no  strong  aflcction 
for  the  old  Confederation,  and  when  the  new  Federal  Constitution 
■was  submitted  to  them  the  first  time  they  rejected  it  by  an  almost 
unanimous  vote.  Afterwards,  th(\y  did  accept  it,  in  the  hope  that 
the  General  Government  would  extend  them  relief.  The  hope  was 
vain.     Monette  says:^ 

"The  prevadence  of  Eastern  inlluence  in  Congress  and  in  tlie 
Cabinet  of  the  United  States  Avas  strong,  and  swayed  the  national 
policy  as  to  measures  affecting  the  Eastern  people,  and  these  meas- 
ures operated  no  less  perniciously  upon  tlnni  than  if  they  had 
beed  prompted  by  interested  jealousy  in  ibr  Atlantic  States."' 

Putnam  says:t  "The  politicians  in  the  Eastern  States  said, 
let  us  secure  the  fisheries  ;  what  matters  it  if  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  is  yielded  for  five  and  twenty  years  or  forever!" 

Not  only  did  the  General  Government  afford  tliem  no  aid  against 
the  Indians,  Ijut  refused  to  allow  them  to  pursue  and  chastise  tlieni 
for  their  murderous  incursions,  when  Spanish  traders  had  been 
offering  pay  for  American  scalps.  Speaking  of  this  proiiibition, 
Putnam  says  :  "  The  people  had  long  complained,  and  they  had  a 
thousand  causes  for  complaint,  one  for  every  life  taken  or  body 
maimed  among  them.  When  is  this  to  end  ?  Where  are  the 
*  Vol.  II,  p.  202.        t  History  Middle  TeQLessee.aee  p.  324. 


120  LIFK    OF    WJLLIAM    BLOUNT. 

benefits  of  the  Union  ?  Is  every  ear  deaf  to  our  complaints  and 
every  heart  callous  to  our  sufiering  ?  This  prohibition  sounded  like 
<i  death  knell.  What  now  cares  the  Government  for  us ;  what  care 
we  for  the  Govermnent  and  its  prohibitions  ?"* 

Gen.  Robertson  protested  against  the  forbearing  policy  of  the 
Government,  but  in  vain.  Speaking  of  the  Spanish  influence  he 
said  :  "Thevhave  tempted  us  to  abandon  our  settlements;  failing 
to  accomplish  by  their  specious  object,  their  sinister  designs,  they 
have  backed  our  savage  neighbors  to  a  war  of  extermination  upon 
us,  "We  dispise  them  for  their  duplicity,  and  scorn  their  allure- 
ments, and  we  abhor  and  curse  their  savage  cruelties." f 

Putnan  writing  of  the  results  of  1793,  says:  "During  the  last 
ten  years  there  was  no  moment  in  which  an  authoritative  word 
from  the  Spanish  Government  '  to  be  at  peace  with  their  settle- 
ments,' would  have  been  disregarded  by  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees, 
and  her  offlcers  and  traders  well  knew  it.";}: 

The  able  Guardoqui,  after  his  return  to  Spain  from  the  United 
States,  said  :  "  He  had  conversed  with  some  individuals  in  Amer- 
ica Avho  expressed  their  wishes  to  see  the  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi prohibited  and  our  limits  narrowed  in  order  to  have  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  Western  country  brought  through  the  Atlantic 
States  and  to  have  our  population  concentrated." § 

It  is  a  fact  that  measures  were  proposed  in  the  East  to  discour- 
age emigration  to  the  West.  Gov.  Morris  himself  expressed  his 
opposition  to  encouraging  settlements  in  the  West,  which  would  in 
time  grow  into  such  population  as  would  control  the  parent  States 
One  scheme  was  "so  to  fix  and  settle  the  ratio  of  representation  in 
Congress,  that  the  old  States  could,  in  all  coming  time;  preserve 
and  enjoy  the  political  ascendency.''''  There  was  a  disposition  in  the 
East  to  yield  for  a  number  of  years,  if  not  to  sacrifice  entirely,  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  The  Western  people,  in  general, 
believed  that  the  purpose  of  those  who  had  political  power  was  to 
secure  their  own  commercial  advantages  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
wholly  regardless  of  the  interests  of  the  settlers  in  the  Western 
•wilds.ll 

It  Avas  this  si)irit  which  ])ro(hiC('d  tlic  insurrection  in  Western 
Pennsylvania,  and  had  nearly  lost  both  Tennessee  and  Kentucky 
to  the  Federal  Union. 

In  this  connection  we  quote  IVom  tlie  letter  of  Dr.  Kamsey  be- 
fore mentioned.     He  says : 


*p.  418. 


t  Putnam,  p.  426.     J  p.  32iJ.     ^Putnam,  p.  441.     l|Putnam,  p.  453. 


LIFE    OF    Wll. 1.1AM    lU.oi.M.  121 

'•  To  estimate  properly  the  virtue,  the  patriotism,  the  loyalty  ami 
the  repuhlicanism  of  the  Western  people,  when,  with  a  noble  dis- 
interestedness and  selt-sacrilieing  devotion  to  the  Union,  they  re- 
sisted those  artful  and  powerful  ai)i)eals  to  their  loeal  and  sectional 
interests,  let  it  be  remembered  that  the  several  communities  to 
whom  these  appeals  were  made,  had  penetrated  throujrji  a  vast 
desert  of  wilderness  and  mountain;  tliat  their  own  eouraj^'c  had 
expelled  a  savage  enemy:  their  own  rifles  had  achieved  the  con- 
quest; their  own  enterprise  had  planted  and  defended  their  set- 
tlements; their  own  efforts  had  made  their  fortunes,  i)rovided 
them  a  home  and  the  benefit  of  a  simple  but  stable  government, 
that  with  little  assistance  from  the  older  States,  almost  none  from 
the  General  Government,  the  wilderness  under  their  own  industry 
and  culture,  blossomed  as  the  rose,  and  that  the  fertile  banks  of 
the  navigable  streams,  in  the  distant  valleys,  in  whose  bosoms 
they  dwelt,  were  rewarding  them  with  a  luxuriant  harvest  of  rich 
fruits — their  own  lalior  upon  their  own  fields  ;  that  the  interven- 
tion of  hundreds  of  miles  and  great  mountain  ranges  isolated 
them  from  the  commands  of  their  Atlantic  countrymen,  and  that 
for  the  products  of  the  whole  West  there  was  but  one  great  outlet 
to  the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  the  markets  of  the  world— the  Missis- 
sippi River,  and  that  the  right  of  freely  navigating  that  stream, 
thougli  guaranteed  to  them  as  a  result  of  that  llevolution  which 
they  had  assisted  to  efiect,  and  of  those  victories,  achieved  in  part 
by  their  valor,  was  still  withheld  from  them  under  the  vexatious 
delay  of  Federal  negotiation,  under  such  circumstances  of  admitted 
neglect,  disappointed  expectation,  deferred  hope,  and  accumulated 
wrong,  that  to  remain  constant  and  faithful  and  loyal  to  the  Union 
is  alike  a  rare  instance  and  evitlcnce  of  all  that  is  heroic  in  for- 
bearance, lofty  in  patriotism,  and  majestic  in  national  virtue." 

If  no  redress  could  be  had  during  Washington's  administration, 
still  less  could  any  be  hoped  for  under  the  succeeding  administra- 
tion, which  was  alike  characterized  by  its  tame  submission  to  for- 
eign insults  as  by  tlie  ferocity  of  its  alien  and  sedition  laws.  There 
was  no  hope  from  the  Government ;  tlie  peoi)le  of  the  West  must 
help  themselves  or  be  irretreivably  ruined,  as  they  were  justitied 
at  tlie  time  in  supposing.  Gov.  Blount  planned  an  enterprise  for 
their  relief.  We  have  seen  what  that  i)lan  was.  Jt  was  to  secure 
to  them  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mi.ssissippi ;  a  right  which  had 
been  declared  in  the  29th  Section  of  the  liill  of  JJights  of  Tennes- 
see to  be  '-one  of  the  inherent  rights  of  the  citizens  of  this  State." 
This  provi^;i(,n  was  inserterl   at  the  instance  an. 1  bv  the  efTorts  of 


122  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

Gov.  Blount  in  1796,  two  years  before  he  was  impeached  for  mak- 
ing an  arrangement  to  carry  it  into  effect.  The  people  of  Tennes- 
see looked  to  Gov.  Blount  for  relief;  he  had  been  identified  with 
the  early  history  and  government  of  the  State,  and  felt  it  to  be  his 
duty  to  attempt  to  secure  relief.  He  made  the  effort  and  failed. 
For  making  this  effort  he  was  expelled  from  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  and  impeached.  But  those  Avho  sought  to  disgrace 
him  were  disai")pbinted.  What  was  intended  for  his  humiliation 
redounded  in  his  greater  honor.  If  he  had  been  a  popular  favor- 
ite before,  he  was  now  regarded  as  a  victim  of  Eastern  selfishness 
and  as  a  martyr  to  the  cause  of  the  Western  people. 


(^HAPTEll  XXXI. 

Correspondence  between  Mr.  Pichcriiuj  and  the  ('lievalier  D^Vrugn,  the 
Spa  n  <V^  Mln  ii<tcr. 

In  March,  1707,  the  Spanish  minister,  the  ('hcvalicr  DYrujo, 
conceived  tlie  opinion,  or  at  least  so  gave  out,  that  the  Jiritisli  were 
prej^aring  an  expedition  in  Canada  for  the  i)Urpose  of  making  a 
descent  on  the  Spanish  possessions  on  tlie  j\Iississij»pi  and  the 
Gulf.  lie  communicated  this  opinion  to  Mr.  Pickering,  Secretary 
of  State,  10  put  liim  on  his  guard  against  the  alleged  danger  of 
a  violation  of  the  neutral  territory  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Pickering  did  not  believe  that  any  such  invasion  was  contempla- 
ted, and  communicated  with  Mr.  Liston,  the  British  minister,  on 
the  subject.  Mr.  Liston  replied  that  there  was  no  such  expedi- 
tion being  fitted  out.  But  the  Spanish  minister  was  not  satisfied, 
and  continued  to  profess  at  least  to  believe  that  there  was  a  secret 
plan  on  foot  to  invade  the  Spanish  possessions.  He  kept  his  de- 
tective agents  at  work  and  his  investigations  in  this  direction  very 
naturally  led  him  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  Blount  affair. 

It  appears  from  the  correspond-ence  that  passed  between  ]Mr. 
Pickering  and  the  Spanish  minister,  that  Mr.  Pickering  did  not 
believe  the  Chevalier  was  in  good  faith  in  the  declaration  of  liis 
opinion.  In  fact,  Mr.  Pickering  declared  in  a  communication  to 
him  that  he  regarded  his  statement  as  a  pretext,  and  in  a  letter  to 
him,  dated  August  8,  1797,  he  reiterates  the  charge  and  says : 

**  I  return  to  your  letter.  You  mention  your  communications 
to  the  Baron  de  Carondelet  respecting  the  intended  exi)edition 
from  Canada.  From  that  moment,  you  say, "  imperious  necessity  and 
the  great  principle  of  self-defence,  made  his  Catholic  ]\Iajesty's 
officers  turn  their  thoughts  to  objects  of  a  more  urgent  nature 
than  running  the  boundary  line."  And  liere  you  introduce  Mr. 
Blount's  letter,  and  the  late  detected  consi)iraey  as  evincing  how 
far  their  conduct  in  this  respect  was  necessary."  It  is  wonderful, 
sir,  that  you  should  attempt  to  make  it  lie  believed  that  Mr. 
Blount's  letter  and  the  late  detected  conspiracy  had  any  connec- 
tion with  the  expedition  which  you  suggested  was  preparing  on 
the  lakes  of  Canada,  against  Upper  Louisiana.  AH  that  is  yet 
discovered  of  Mr.  Blount's  project  or  conspiracy,  i^roves  that  it 
was   to   have  been  formed   in   one  of  the  States  Sonl/i  of  the  River 


124  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    BLOUXT. 

Ohio^  and  tliat  it  was  destined  against  the  Floridas,  and  perhaps 
Lower  Louisiana.  I  therefore  feel  m^-self,  for  this  and  the  other 
reasons  before  exhibited,  still  warranted  in  conoidering  the  sus- 
pected Canada  expedition  among  the  pretexts  for  delaying  to  evac- 
uate the  posts,  and  to  run  the  boundary  line ;  and,  consequently, 
that  your  charge,  that  I  have  in  this  instance  '  palpably  attempted 
to  make  groundless  and  unfair  impressions  on  the  public  mind,'  is 
alike  unfounded  and  unbecoming  your  public  cluiracter  to  sug- 
gest." 

Wherever  Mr.  Pickering  says  anything  which  has  a  bearing  in 
favor  of  Gov.  Blount  it  may  be  relied  upon,  for  he  was  among  his 
most  inveterate  enemies.  And  there  are  two  things  in  the  passage 
above  quoted  that  are  worthy  of  note.  The  first  of  these  is  tha 
modified  manner  in  which  Mr.  Pickering  speaks  of  Governor 
Blount's  enterprise  ;  it  is  not  unqualifiedly  a  co^-^pimci/,  but  a^^  pro- 
ject or  conspiracy."  The  second  is,  that  Gov.  Blount  had  no  con- 
nection with  any  expedition  being  fitted  out  on  the  lakes.  He 
stamps  with  falsehood  the  declaration  of  "  citizen  Mitchel  "  fur- 
nished the  House  Committee  l)y  the  kindness  of  the  officious 
Chevalier. 

But  more  important  than  this  is  another  passage  from  the  same 
communication,  which  is  as  follows : 

"You  say  that  Mr.  Blount  acted  in  this  matter  with  the  knowl- 
edge and  intelligence  of  the  British  minister.  This  is  not  likely 
to  be  true.  It  is  in  proof,  by  other  evidence  than  tlie  British 
minister's  notes,  that  he  did  not,  and  could  not,  autliori/.e  the  pro- 
jected expedition  against  tiie  Floridas  ;  and  particularly,  that  one 
of  his  strong  objections  against  it  was,  that  it  contemplated  the 
employing  of  the  Indians.  Althou-h  lie  thought  it  proper  to  sub- 
mit the  project  to  the  consideration  and  decision  of  bis  govern- 
ment, nobody,  therefore,  will  l»elieve  that  lie  authorized  Mr. 
Blount,  or  was  even  privy  to  his  measures  of  preparing  the  In- 
dians for  War.  Besides,  Dr.  Romayne,  who  may  be  presumed  to 
be  well  acquainted  with  Mr.  Blount's  i)lot,  suggests  that  it  is  not 
the  project  offered  to  Mr.  Liston  l)y  Chisholm.  These  are  his 
words:  "Mr.  Bloinit  is  totally  unknown  1o  ^Ii'.  Liston.  (ind  so  arc 
alllmviewsy  And  there  is  a  passage  in  .Mr.  I'.lountV  letter  which 
countenances  the  Doctor's  assertion,  and  indieates  that,  although 
Chisholm  and  Blount  had  some  connniniieations  witli  eaeh  other, 
yet  their  views  were  not  precisely  tlu'  same.  Mr.  J'.lount,  in  his 
letter  to  Carey,  says:  "  Where  Captain  Cliisholin  is  1  do  not  know. 
I  left  him  in  Philadelphia,  in  March,  and  he  frcMpiently  visited  the 


LIFE    OF    AVILLIAM     HLOUNT.  !-•-> 


Minister  and  spoke  upon  tl.e  sul.jeet;  l.ut  I  believe  he  will  .^o  nito 
the  Creek  Nation,  by  ^vay  of  South  Carolina  or  Georgia     He  gave 
out  he  was  going  to  England,  bnt  I  did  not  believe  Imn.      These  last 
words  aflbrd  a  pretty  strong  proof  that  they  were  not  actnig  wholly 
in  concert.     Probably  Mr.  Blount  endeavored  to  persuade  this- 
holm  that  he  would  co-operate  in  the  prosecution  of  his  scheme; 
while  at  the  same  time  he  might  have  another  of  his  own,  or  m 
concert  with  Dr.  Romavne,and  stand  ready,  in  the  event  of  things, 
to  make  his  advantage  of  either-whichever  should  offer  the  best 
i.rospect  of  success.     Doctor  Roy  mane,  you  see,  says  that  Mr 
Blount  is  totallv  unknown  to  Mr.  Liston.     But  is  well  known  that 
Mr    Blount  was  vour  frequent  guest,  and  intimate  companion  ; 
and  that  he  was' on  this  intimate  footing  with  you  during  the 
whole  time  that  you  were  representing  to  the  government  your 
suspicions  of  British  expeditions.  After  the  discovery  of  the  con- 
^spiracv  was  made  puldic,  vou  formally  requested  the  American 
Government  to  punish  him  for  so  scandalous  a  crime.     But  seeing 
that  Mr.  Blount  was  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  not  a  sub- 
ject of  Spain,  it  would  have  been  decent  in  you  to  have  left  him 
with  his  own  government,  without  interposing  your  advice.    But 
especially  when  vou  knew  that  the  President  had  laid  his  letter 
before  Congress;  and  the  two  Houses  were  deliberating  on  the 
modes  of  punishing  him;  when  the  investigation  had  proceeded 
so  far  that  a  committee  of  the  Senate  had  reported  a  resolution 
that  he  should  be  impeached  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  ; 
for  you  then  to  interfere  was  singularly  improper;  and  it  was  such 
an  ostentatious  display  of   zeal  as,  under  all  the  known  circum- 
stances, suggests  more  than  one  interpretation." 

This  extract  from  ]\Ir.  Pickering's  letter  shows  several  very  im- 
portant things.  It  shows  first,  that  :\Ir.  Pickering  did  not  believe 
that  Gov.  Blount  was  in  conspiracy  with  the  British  minister  to 
seize  the  Spanish  possessions  and  transfer  them  to  Great  Britain 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  United  States.  And  it  is  precisely  in  this 
intent  that  the  grievance  of  Gov.  151ount"s  alleged  ofiencc  was  taken 
to  consist. 

It  shows  in  the  second  i.lace  that  Mr.  Pickering  believed  Doctor 
Bomavne's  testimonv,  and  if  that  testimony  be  accepted,  then 
( lov  Blount  had  committed  no  crime,  for  the  Doctor's  evidence  clears 
up  the  mvsterv  of  the  Carey  letter  by  showing  tliat  no  determina- 
tion—much less  steps— had  been  taken  to  do  anything  at  all  in 
the  premises. 


126  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

It  sliou's,  tliinl,  that  Mr.  Pickering  did  not  believe  that  Gov 
Blount  was  acting  in  concert  with  Chisholm,  so  that  all  the  evidence 
-against  Chisholm  has  no  relation  whatever  to  Gov.  Blount. 

It  shows,  fourth,  that  Mr.  Pickering  believed  that  the  Spanish 
minister  was  treacherous  and  wholl}' destitute  of  truth  and  honor. 

It  shows,  lastly,  that  Mr.  Pickering  did  not  know  what  Gov. 
Blount's  purpose  was.  and,  consequently,  could  not  honestly  pro- 
nounce him  guilty. 

Now,  Mr.  Pickering,  as  has  Ijcen  stated,  was  one  of  the  most  ac- 
tive prosecutors  of  Gov.  Blount.  If  he  thought  as  he  said,  then 
there  was  no  other  evidence  against  him  than  the  Carey  letter. 
But  Romayne's  testimony  explains  this  letter.  Besides,  from  the 
letter  itself,  as  we  have  already. seen,  there  was  no  plan,  no  pur- 
pose to  do  anything  at  all,  much  less  to  do  a  criminal  act.  That 
■Governor  Blount  was  expelled  from  the  Senate  and  impeached  by 
the  House  under  these  circumstances  can  only  be  accounted  for 
by  the  feverish  state  of  the  public  mind,  the  violence  of  party 
spirit,  and,  perhaps,  too,  on  less  excusable  grounds,  which  may 
some  day  come  to  light,  but  which  at  present  must  remain  matter 
•of  mere  conjecture. 


CHAITKU   WXII. 

Tlic  Xavigatlon  of  the  Mi^sissij,p!  Juicer — D!.-<pt).si(ion  of  CoDi/rrns  to 
to  i<unrndcr  it — Hldorii  (f  ^J<<j<)ti(itioiis  in  nnnnl  la  the  mine. 

The  question  of  tlic  ii;ivi.u;iti(>ii  <>(' tlic  Mississij^pi  river  first  arose 
in  1779-80.  At  tli;it  timr  tii(  rnil.d  States  had  no  (lii)!()iiiatic 
relations  with  Sjiain,  ami  tlic  matter  was  lirou,iiht  up  hy  tlic  French 
cmhassador,  the  Chi\ali(  r  ^r  la  Luzerne.  In  a  sei-rct coinninniea- 
tion  to  Congress  he  inlornic(i  that  Ixuly,  that  l>y  the  eomniand  of 
tlic  King  of  France  the  King  ol"  Sjiain  would  join  tlu;  I'nited 
States  against  England  on  certain  conditions.  ( »nc  of  these  con- 
ditions Avas,  that  th(>  exclusive  navigatioi,  of  the  Mississipjn  river 
should  helong  to  Spain.  The  conditions  pro)iosed  were  rejected 
I'V  Congress. 

In  August,  1781,  it  was  proposed  in  Congress  to  vest  in  the  Min- 
ister at  Madrid  dist  retinnai-y  jiowers  over  the  naviiiatinii  of  the 
Alississippi.     The  projiosition  was  unaninK)Usly  rejecteil. 

The  ciuestion  was  not  again  ojiened  until  1785,  Avheii  the  Span- 
ish minister.  Don  (iardouqui,  arrived  with  jiowers  to  negotiate  a 
treaty.  Mr.  Jay,  Secretary  of  State  lor  Foreign  Affairs,  was  ap- 
jjointed  to  treat  with  Ijim,  and  one  clause  of  his  instructions  made 
the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississi])pi  and  the  use  of  a  j)ort  near  its 
JTiouth,  an  indispensahle  condition  to  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty. 

On  the  29th  of  May,  178G,  Mr.  Jay  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  suggesting  the  advisahility  of  appointing  a 
<'ommittee  with  power  to  instruct,  and  direct  him  on  evi  ry  point 
of  the  proposed  treaty.  The  letter  was  referred  to  committee. 
The  committee  required  Mr.  Jay  to  give  a  specific  statement  of  the 
difficulties.  He  did  so,  in  a  written  statem(>nt.  He  advised  that 
the  United  States  should  al>andon  to  Spain  the  exclusive  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi  river  for  tweny-tive  to  thirty  years,  hut 
that  Spain  should  jiurchase  many  articles  from  the  United  States, 
<»f  which   whale  oil  and   cod  fish  w^Te  especially  insisted  U))on.* 

*Jourual,  vol.  4,  pp.  45-63. 
^' From  this  instant,"  says  Mr.  Benton  in  his  speich  in  the  Senate, 
February  2,  1830,  ''the  division  between  the  North  and  the  South, 
on  the  subject  of  the  West,  sprung  into   existence.     A  series  of 
motions  and  votes  ensued,  and  a  struggle,  which  continued  two 


128  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    BLOUXT 

years,  in  which  Maryland  and  all  South  voted  one  way,  and  New 
Jersey  and  all  North  voted  the  other."  Mr.  King,  of  New  York, 
moved  to  repeal  the  clause  in  the  instructions  given  to  Mr.  Jay, 
making  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  a  sine  qua  non  ;  and 
the  motion  was  carried  by  the  votes  of  the  seven  Northern  States 
against  the  others.  Mr.  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  moved  to  re- 
voke the  instructions  and  put  a  stop  to  the  whole  negotiation, 
which  was  lost  by  the  same  vote.  Mr.  Pinckney  afterwards  moved, 
to  declare  it  a  violation  of  the  Articles  of  the  Confederation  for 
seven  States  to  alter  the  instructions  for  negotiating  a  treaty, 
those  articles  requiring  the  consent  of  nine  States.  This  motion 
was  lost  by  the  same  vote.  Thus  it  appears  that  these  gentle- 
men were  not  only  willing  to  surrender  the  free  navigation,  but 
were  further  ready  to  violate  the  solemn  Articles  to  do  so.  See- 
ing no  hope  of  securing  anything  more,  the  delegates  from  Vir- 
ginia then  moved  to  make  it  a  sine  qua  non  that  citizens  of 
the  United  States  be  allowed  to  export  their  produce  on  paying 
a  small  export  duty.  But  even  this  was  lost,  and  l)y  tlie  same 
vote.  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connec- 
ticut, New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania — seven,  against 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia, 
five,  Delaware  not  being  present. 

The  navigation  of  the  Misssssipi)i  was  saved  at  this  time  only 
by  a  lucky  accident.  In  1787  a  citizen  of  North  Carolina  was  ar- 
rested at  Natchez  and  his  vessel  and  cargo  confiscated  l)y  order  of 
the  Spanish  Governor,  Grandpre.  Mr.  Madison  took  advantage  of 
the  incident  in  1788.  In  1788  the  Governor  of  North  Carolina, 
its  Legislature,  and  all  its  delegates  in  Congress  made  pressing  ap- 
peals, and  Mr.  Madison  was  thus  able  to  carry  a  resolution  providing 
that  the  whole  sucject  be  referred  to  the  new  Federal  Government, 
Avhich  was  to  go  into  operation  the  following  year.  The  ( juestion  was 
fortunately  settled  for  the  time,  l;)Ut  the  spirit  in  wliieh  tlie  ]>ur- 
pose  to  give  up  the  ;Mississip])i  originated,  had  lost  none  of  its 
characteristic  enterprise.  Tlie  notion  that  the  growth  of  the  West 
was  incompatible  with  the  supremacy  of  the  Northeast,  and  that 
its  rivers  were  to  be  exj^lored  for  their  special  benefit,  was,  as  Mr, 
Benton  savs,  still  stronglv  rooted  in  tht'ir  minds. 


CHAPTEll    XXXIII. 

TJie  Indian  Wars — Fcfusal  of  Congress  to  extend  aid  to  the  Western 
Pioneers — Pioneers,  without  hope  of  aid  from  the  General  Govern- 
ment, rely  upon  themselves. 

"With  regard  to  tlie  sufTerings  of  the  young  Wv^i  under  its  In- 
dian wars,  and  its  vain  appeals  for  so  nian}'^  years  to  the  Federal 
Government  for  suceor  and  relief,  Mr.  Benton,  in  the  speech  before 
referred  to,  presents  the  following  startling  but  true  picture.  lie 
says : 

"The  history  of  twelve  years'  suffering  in  Tennessee,  from  1780 
to  1792,  when  the  inhabitants  succeeded  in  conquering  peace  with- 
out the  aid  of  Federal  troops ;  and  of  sixteen  years'  carnage  in 
Kentucky,  from  1774  to  1790,  when  the  first  effectual  relief  began 
to  be  extended,  would  require  volumes  of  detail  for  which  we  have 
no  time,  and  powers  of  description  for  which  I  have  no  talent. 
Then  was  witnessed  the  scenes  of  woe  and  death,  of  carnage  and 
destruction,  which  no  words  of  mine  can  ever  paint;  instances  of 
heroism  in  men,  of  fortitude,  and  devotcdncss  in  women,  of  in- 
stinctive courage  in  little  children,  which  the  annals  of  the  most 
celebrated  nations  can  never  surpass.  Then  was  seen  tlie  Indian 
warfare  in  all  its  horrors — that  warfare  which  spares  neither  de- 
crepit age,  nor  blooming  youth,  nor  manly  strengtli,  nor  infant 
Aveakness;  in  which  the  sleeping  family  awoke  from  their  beds  in 
the  midst  of  flames  and  slaughter;  when  virgins  were  led  off  cap- 
tive by  savage  monsters ;  when  mothers  were  loaded  with  their 
cliildren  and  compelled  to  march  ;  and  when,  unable  to  keep  ui"*, 
were  relieved  of  their  burthen  l)y  seeing  the  brains  of  infants  beat 
out  on  a  tree;  when  the  slow  consuming  fire  of  the  stake  devoured 
its  victim  in  the  presence  of  pitying  friends,  and  in  the  midst  of 
exulting  demons  ;  when  the  corn  was  planted,  the  fields  were 
ploughed,  the  crops  were  gathered,  tlie  cows  were  milked,  water 
was  brought  from  the  spring,  and  (iod  was  worsliiped  under  the 
guard  and  protection  of  arnjed  nun ;  when  the  night  was  the  sea 
son  for  traveling,  the  im])ervious  forest  the  highway,^ni(l  the  place 
of  safety  most  remote  from  the  habitation  of  man  ;  whei\  every 
house  was  a  fort,  and  every  fort  subject  to  seige  and  as.sault.  Such 
was  the  warfare  in  the  infant  settlements  of  Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nesee,  and  which  the  aged  men,  actors  in  the  dread  ful  scenes, 
have  related  to  me  so  manv  times." 


130  LIFE   OF   WILLIAM  BLOUNT. 

What  was  the  response  of.  Congress  to  the  pitious  appeal  that 
came  up  to  them  from  these  sorely  tried  pioneers  ?  Let  one  in- 
stance serve  for  all. 

On  June  21,  1786,  when  this  warefare  was  at  its  height,  a  reso- 
tion  introduced  by  Mr.  Grayson,  of  Virginia,  was  reported,  provid- 
ing that ;  "  The  Secretary  of  War  direct  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  troops  to  detach  two  companies  to  the  Rapids  of  the  Ohio, 
to  protect  the  inhabitants  from  the  depredations  and  incursions 
of  the  Indians." 

This  request  was  not  made  while  the  colonies  were  collecting  all 
their  energies  in  the  struggle  for  independence,  but  after  peace 
had  been  declared;  it  did  not  ask  for  the  levy  of  new  troops,  but 
only  that  those  already  in  service  should  be  moved  to  their  assis- 
tance ;  it  asked  for  them  not  for  aggressive  operations,  but  for  de- 
fence; finally,  it  asked  for  but  the  companies.  The  request  was 
not  merely  reasonable,  it  was  most  modest.  But  it  was  refused. 
After  speaking  of  a  second  failure  in  this  direction,  Mr.  Benton 
said  further,  as  follows : 

"  Defeated,  but  not  subdued — repulsed,  but  not  vanquished — 
invincible  in  the  work  of  justice  and  humanity,  the  Virginia  dele- 
gation immediately  commenced  new  operations  and  devised  new 
plans  for  the  relief  of  the  West.  On  the  very  next  day,  June  30th, 
a  motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Lee,  seconded  by  Mr.  Monroe,  to  have 
one  thousand  men  of  the  Virginia  militia  held  in  readiness,  and 
called  out  in  case  of  necessity,  for  the  protection  of  the  West. 
Even  this  was  resisted !  A  motion  was  made  by  Mr.  King,  of 
Massachusetts,  seconded  by  Mr.  Long  of  New  Hampshire,  to  strike  out 
thenumber  "  onethousand."  It  was  struck  out  accordingly,  there  be- 
ingbut  five  States,  to  wit :  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carohna  and  Georgia  in  favor  of  retaining  it.  The  resolution,  eviscer- 
ated of  this  essential  part,  w?s  allowed  to  pass;  and  thus,  on  the 
30th  day  of  June,  in  the  year  1786,  the  Govornor  of  Virginia  ob- 
tained the  privilege  from  the  Continental  Congi*ess  to  order  some 
militia  in  Kentucky  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  protect  the 
country  in  case  of  necessity  !  Thus,  at  the  end  of  twelve  years 
from  the  commencement  of  the  Indian  Avars,  Kentucky  obtained 
that  much  !  She  fought  out  the  Avar  from  1780  to  1792  upon  her 
own  bottom,  Avithout  the  assent,  and  against  the  commands  of  Con- 
gress. Expresses  Avere  often  despatched  to  recall  her  expeditions 
going  in  pursuit  of  Indians  Avho  had  invaded  her  settlements. 
The  decisive  expedition  to  the  toAvn  of  Nicojack,  Avhich  Avas  formed 
upon  the  plan  of  Mr.  Grayson,  Avas,  in  legal  acceptation,  a  huvless 


LIFE    OV    WILLIAM    I'.LOUNT.  131 

invasion  of  a  iViendly  trihe.  The  hravc  and  patiiotic.  men,  who 
swam  tlie  Tennessee  river,  three  quarters  of  a  mile  wide,  shoving 
their  arms  before  them  on  rafts,  and  stormed  the  town,  and  drove 
the  Indians  from  the  gap  in  tiie  mountain — the  Thermopyla)  of 
the  country — and  gave  peace  to  the  Cumberland  settlements,  did 
it  with  Federal  halters  round  tln'ir  necks  ;  for  (he  expedition  was 
contrary  to  law." 

In  addition  to  what  has  been  adduced  to  show  the  desire  of  the 
Xortheast  to  prevent  the  growtli  of  the  West,  by  attempting  to  sur- 
render the  Mississippi  and  by  delivering  the  inhaljitants  into  the 
hands  oi'  the  savagc^s,  may  l>e  mentioned  those  measures  si)ecially 
designed  to  cheek  emigi-ation,  such  as  the  restrictions  placed  upon 
the  sale  of  the  pulilic  lands  and  the  refusal  to  treat  for  the  cession 
of  Indian  lands. 

The  pioneers  of  Tennessee  had  nothing  to  exi)ect  from  the  gen- 
eral government.  The  treatment  tbey  had  received  from  this 
quarter  had  taught  them  to  rely  upon  themselves  and  upon  them- 
selves alone.  It  sliould  lie  no  more  a  matter  of  surprise  that  they 
wished  to  acquire  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississipjn  without 
the  consent  of  the  general  government,  than  that  they  should 
make  war  upon  the  Indians  witliout  that  consent.  Xor  is  it  sur- 
prising tiiat  they  should  crown  (lov.  Hlount  with  iresh  honors, after 
his  expulsion  and  imi)eachnKnt.  for  his  patriotism  and  his  devo- 
tion to  their  welfare. 

On  July  5,  1797,  Gov.  Blount  wrote  from  Philadelphia  to  the 
people  of  Tennessee  the  following  letter  : 

"  In  a  few  days  you  will  see  published  by  order  of  Congress  a 
letter  said  to  have  been  written  by  me  to  James  Carey.  It  makes 
<|uite  a  fuss  here.  The  people  upon  the  Western  Avaters  will  see 
nothing  but  good  in  it,  for  so  I  intended  it,  especially  for  Ten- 
iiesse." 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

Further  continuation  of  Gov.  Blottnfs  History  from  the  unpublished 
Manuscript — Dangers  uhich  environed  the  Settlers  in  Tennessee — 
Territory  owned  by  the  Spanish  Government — Holding  the  Mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  River — 2he  Indians — Ihe  Unfriendly  Restric- 
tions of  the  Spaniards  on  the  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River — 
The  Treaty  of  October^  1795 — Spahi's  Treaty  icith  France  excites 
alarm — Ihefree  Navagation  of  tlie  Mississippi  River  put  in  Jeop- 
ardy by  Spain''s  Treaty  uith  Fiance — TJie  Fopvl&ion  (f  our  Minis- 
ter from  France — Gov.  Bhnmt,  idio  supjported  the  idea  of  the 
command  of  the  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River  by  the  Western 
people,  teas  their  Champion- — His  uelcome  on  his  return  to  Tennes- 
see— Made  Speaher  of  the  State  Senate — Aoi  account  of  his  recep-^ 
tion. 

The  following  accurate  and  succinct  extract  from  the  MSB,  here- 
tofore referred  to,  will  serve  to  supplement  and  explain  what  has 
been  said  in  regard  to  the  relation  of  the  people  of  Tennessee  to 
their  foreign  neighbors. 

It  seemed  impossible  for  Congress  to  realize  the  dangers  and 
trials  which  environed  and  harrassed  the  frontier  settlements,  or 
to  comprehend  the  causes  and  extent  of  the  exasperation  between 
the  Indians  and  Spaniards  on  the  one  side,  and  the  people  of  Ten- 
nessee and  Kentucky  on  the  other.  The  Spanish  Government 
owned  the  Floridas  and  Louisiana,  holding  themouth  of  the  Miss- 
issippi and  the  west  side  of  that  stream  up,  to  latitude  42°.  Many 
of  the  hostile  incursions  and  savage  atrocities  committed  by  the 
Indians  were  tracable  to  the  Spaniards.  Their  unfriendly  restric- 
tions upon  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  had  been  the  source  of 
constant  annoyance  and  injustice  to  the  inhabitants,  and  the  occa- 
sion of  warm  remonstrances  by  Governor  ]>lount.  But  by  the 
treaty  of  October,  1795,  Spain  had  agreed  that  the  navigation 
should  be  free  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  A  more  friendly 
feeling  had  begun  to  be  cultivated.  The  savages  had  received 
such  a  wholesome  chastisement  at  Nickajack,  in  1794,  that  they 
were  in  no  condition  to  renew  hostilities.  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  Spanish  authorities  ofiered  great  inducements  to  our 


LIFE    or    WII.I.IAM     lU.nlNl'.  133 

AVcstorn  people   to  accept  V\])vva\  -rants  of  laiul  on  the  west  side 
of  the  jii-cat  river,  and  to  colonize  that  distant  ri-gion. 

In  the  midst  of  these  ncLjotiations,  early  in  1797,  the   report 
became  i-ul-lic  and  was  uvncvally  helieved,  that  Spain,  in  a  treaty 
which  she   had  I'ccn  compelled  to  make  -with  France,  had  l)y  a 
secret  clause  retroceded  to  her  the  Floridas  and  J.onisiana,  inclnd- 
ing  the  vast  territory  west  of  the  Mississii)pi.     France   had  for 
several  years  occupied  a  menacing  attitude   towards  the  United 
States,  and  lia<l  conducted  herst'lf  with  insuflerable  arrogance  to- 
wards our  Government.     It  was  easy  to  believe  that  if  slie  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  the  control  of  the  :\Iississippi  she  Avould  close  its 
navigation  against  us,  except  uj-on  the  most  exacting  and  oppres- 
sive  conditions.      Tn   our  treaty   with    I'ji-land.  in   17S;;,  it  was 
agreed  as  lietwceu   us  and   her.  that  its   navigation  should  he  free 
to  both  nations.     \Ve  had  just  made  a  similar  contra.t  wilh  Spain. 
Ko  such  comi)act  existed  Avith  France,  and  in  her  well  known  at- 
titude of  hostility  none  could  then  he  hoped  for.     She  had  settled 
and  formerly  owned  i.ouisiana.     Many  of  its  inhabitants  iidierit- 
inghcr  blooil  and  language  and  shared  her  angry  feeling  towards  our 
Government.     The  prospect  of  losing  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississip].i.  the  dread  of  the  inlluence  of  the  French   upon  the 
Indians  on  our  horders.  and  the  defeat  of  the  colonization  scheme, 
already  in  process  of  fullillment.  j.rompted  those  who  fore  sawthe 
danger,  to  contemplate  the  i.roject  of  seizing  the  Spanish  posses- 
sions before  they   were  surrendered   to  France.     :Mr.  Blount,  then 
Senator,  espousi'd  the  enterprise,  and    undertook   to  prepare  the 
Indian  tribes  to  join  in  it.  or  at   least  to   remain  neutral.     Thns  a 
scheme  which  the  learned  Hugh  Williamson   (hclare.l   was   origi- 
nally a  mere  land  speculation,  or  a  ].lau  tor  estahlishing  a  colony 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  became  the  nucl.'us  for  a  eond.ination  to 
resist  the    establishment  of   French    Suitremacy   on   the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  on   our  Southern  and  Western  lioundaries.  together 
with  the  command  of  the  Missi.ssippi.  from  its  mouth  t.)  theFalls 
of  St.    Anthony.     The   long  ibrbearance  of   our   government  in 
hopes  that  the  French  Directory  would  listen  to  reason,  (inally  cul- 
minated in  the  expulsion  of  our  ministers.  Finckney  and  ^hu-shall, 
from  France.     The  desire  of  our  governnu-nt  for  peace  with  that 
nation  must  have  been  so  intense  as  to  lead  the  Western  people  to 
believe  that  the  cession  of  h<r  Territories  by  S])ain  would  not  be 
treated  as  a  cause  of  war.     And  accordingly,  when  it  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  President  Adams  that  Mr.  JMount  was  engaged  in 
the  scheme,  he  took  immediate  steps,  in  accordance  witli  his  gen- 


184  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

eral  policy  of  forbearance,  to  arrest  a  measure  which  threatened 
to  complicate  still  more  our  foreign  relations.  He  communicated 
his  information  to  the  Senate,  and  that  body  with  great  haste  ex- 
pelled Mr.  Blount,  in  July,  1797.  His  error  consisted  in  attempt- 
ing byasensational  coup  de main,  what  the  government  would  have 
been  compelled  to  do  sooner  or  later,  if  a  change  in  the  policy  ol 
the  French  nation  had  not  made  a  settlement  possible  by  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana. 

The  suppression  of  this  entersi^rise  did  not  settle  the  vexed 
question.  It  continued  for  years  to  cause  anxiety  to  our  govern- 
ment, and  gloomy  apprehensions  to  our  people.  In  1797  the 
secret  cession  of  the  country  to  France  Avas  believed  to  have  been 
already  made.  The  only  one  now  known  certainly  to  have  been 
made  was  agreed  on  in  the  year  1800,  but  was  not  made  public 
until  1802.  As  soon  as  it  became  known,  President  Jeflerson  wrote 
to  Mr.  Livingston,  our  minister  to  France,  that  if  that  government, 
under  the  treaty  with  Spain,  should  take  possession  of  New  Orleans, 
the  United  States  must  become  allies  of  Great  Britain  and  antago- 
nists of  France.  The  matter  created  great  excitement  throughout 
the  country,  and  in  Congress,  where  a  bill  was  introduced  to  raise 
an  army  to  meet  the  possible  contingencies.  As  a  final  effort  to- 
escape  a  war,  James  Monroe  was  commissioned  to  join  Mr.  Living- 
ston, our  minister  at  Paris,  and  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  was 
made  in  1803. 

So  important  was  it  to  hurry  this  purchase  that  both  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  concurred  in  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  Spain, 
who  had  stipulated  in  her  act  of  cession  to  France,  that  if  ever 
that  nation  should  wish  to  dispose  of  the  Territory,  Spain  was  to 
have  the  preference  as  a  purchaser.  Thus  was  accomplished  with- 
out war  what  Mr.  Blount  and  his  people  so  ardently  desired,  the 
extinction  of  the  French  dominion  on  our  borders,  and  over  our 
greatest  highway. 

The  Western  people  had  presevered  in  their  determination  sooner 
or  later  to  secure  the  command  of  the  Mississippi.  IMr.  Blount, 
who  lost  his  seat  in  the  Senate  for  entering  prematurely  upon  that 
enterprise,  was  still  their  ideal  of  a  fervid  patriot  and  a  great  states- 
man. On  his  return  to  Tennessee  he  was  welcomed  every  where 
by  the  people  as  a  martyrto  their  cause.  His  friend.  General  James 
White,  who  was  Speaker  of  the  State  Senate,  resigned  his  member- 
ship to  enable  his  constituents  to  testify  their  regard  lor  Mr.  Blount, 
who  was  promptly  elected  to  the  Senate  and  to  the  vacant  Speaker- 


LIFE   OF   WILLIAM     BLOUNT.  135 

slii}).  If  lie  did  anything  wrong,  snys  the  liistorian  Ramsey,  it 
was  in  ovcr-dcvotion  to  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee. 

Cohbett's  Porcupine,  a  celebrated  political  journal  opposed  to 
Blount,  in  its  issue  of  October  10,  1797,  contained  the  following 
letter  from  Knoxville,  dated  18th  September  : 

"  On  Saturday  last  returned  to  this  town  the  Hon.  William 
Blount.  As  soon  as  his  approach  was  made  known  the  volunteer 
troop  of  cavalry,  commanded  by  John  Lavender,  Esq.,  and  a  large 
concourse  of  citizens,  hastened  to  recieve  him,  and  met  him  eight 
miles  from  this  place,  where,  after  refreshments,  he  Avas  conducted 
into  town  in  the  following  order,  viz  : 

"  A  detachment  of  the  troop  of  cavalry.  The  Hon.  Wm.  Blount, 
accompanied  by  General  White  and  the  Hon.  William  Stuart, 
late  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  ;  the  troop  of  cav- 
alry ;  citizens  in  tiles. 

"  We  are  happy  to  say  that  ]\Ir.  Blount  has  received  on  his  jour- 
ney through  this  State  the  most  flattering  and  hearty  welcome  from 
every  description  of  citizens,  a  welcome  justly  due  from  a  grate- 
ful people  to  the  father,  friend,  and  protector  of  their  State." 

Another  Avriter,  evidently  a  political  opponent,  said  of  him : 

"  In  the  new  State  his  influence  was  overwhelming.  On  his 
return  to  Tennessee,  so  far  from  being  shunned  as  a  disgraced  man, 
he  wafc  received  with.triumph  ;  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate,  it 
is  said,  and  made  Speaker  thereof,  and  was  only  prevented  by  his 
sudden  death  from  mounting,  as  if  in  defiance  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, the  gubernatorial  chair." 


CHAPTER   XXXV. 

Dr.  liamsay^s  account  of  the  visit  of  James  Mathers,  Sergeant-atAmis 
of  the  United  States  Senate  to  arrest  Gov.  Blount — Dr.  Ramsay^ s 
answer  to  Traducers  of  Gov.  Blount — Judge  Robertson's  Letter  to 
Gov.  James  D.  I^orter— Letter  of  Hon.  JIu.  Williamson  to  Hon. 
Thos.  Blount,  March  3,  1801,  with  copy  of  Memo,  accompanying 
this  Letter,  giving  an  Accowit  of  the  Origin  and  Progress  of  a  Specu- 
lation that  terminated  in  a  project  thai  loas  called  "  Blount^s  Con- 
spiracy " — Continuation  of  Account  of  Life  of  Gov.  Blount. 

Another  instance  of  the  attachment  of  the  people  of  Tennessee 
for  Gov.  Blount  is  the  following,  from  the  letter  of  Dr.  Ramsay, 
already  referred  to.     Dr.  Ramsay  says  : 

"  The  sergeant-at-arms  of  the  United  States  Senate,  James 
Mathers,  soon  after  repaired  to  Knoxville,  with  the  purpose  of  ar- 
resting the  ex-Senator,  and  of  taking  him  in  custody  to  the  seat 
of  government  After  the  service  of  process  upon  Blount,  the  ser- 
geant-at-arms found  it  impossible  to  execute  tiiat  part  of  his  official 
duty  which  required  him  to  take  the  accused  to  Philadelphia.  He 
refused  to  go.  Mathers  was  treated  by  the  citizens  of  Knoxville 
with  marked  civilty  and  attention.  He  became  for  several  days 
the  guest  of  Gov.  Blount,  and  was  hospitably  entertained  by  the 
♦State  authorities.  After  some  days,  wishing  to  return  with  his 
prisoner  to  Philadelphia,  he  summoned  a  ^o-sse  to  his  assistance. 
But  not  a  man  could  be  found  willing  to  accompany  him.  What- 
ever foundation  there  may  have  been  in  the  charge  preferred  against 
liim,  there  was  no  one  in  Tennessee  who  viewed  his  conduct  as 
criminal,  unpatriotic,  or  unfriendly  to  the  true  interests  of  the  State 
or  the  West;  and  all  refused  to  sanction  the  proceedings  against 
liim.  The  influence  of  the  district  marshal  was  cither  withheld  or 
was  impotent  amongst  the  countrymen  of  Blount.  Tiic  sergcant- 
nt-arms,  convinced  of  the  fruitlessncss  of  further  attempt  to  exe- 
cute one  part  of  his  mission,  started  home,  and  some  of  the  citizens 
accompanied  him  a  few  miles  from  town,  when,  assuring  him  that 
William  Blount  could  not  be  taken  from  Tennessee  as  a  prisoner, 
bade  him  a  polite  adieu."  Dr.  Ramsay  continued  :  "  Had  he  lived 
longer,  the  State  would  still  have  confided  in,  and  rewarded  him 


LIFE   OF    WILLIAM    BLOUNT.  lo7 

further.  Ilis  services  and  his  abilities  were  never  more  higlily 
appreciated  than  at  the  time  of  his  death." 

"With  regard  to  the  aspersions  cast  upon  the  niLmory  of  Gov. 
Blount  by  non-critical  writers,  Dr.  Ramsay  continues  : 

"Was  he  ever  traduced  at  home,  or  repudiated  in  Tennessee? 
The  very  name,  Blount,  has  always  carried  with  it  a  talismanic 
potency  at  our  hustings  and  at  our  jjolls  and  before  our  voters.  A 
brother  of  tlie  accused  Senator  was  a  few  years  after  his  expulsion 
from  the  Senate,  elected  to  the  position  of  Governor  of  the  State, 
and  re-elected  to  the  same  office  with  singular  unanimity.  This 
was  Willie  Blount,  whose  popularity  with  our  masses  has  rarely 
been  equalled.  A  son,  Hon.  Wm.  G.  Blount,  during  the  admin- 
istration of  his  uncle,  Willie  Blount,  l)ecame  Secretary  of  State  by 
the  vote  of  the  Tennessee  Legislature.  During  this  time  a  vacancy 
occurred  in  a  Congressional  District,  by  the  lamented  death  of 
John  Sevier — the  most  popular  man  unquestionably  in  the  State, 
then  or  since.  Who  succeeded  him  ?  The  son,  Wm.  G.  Blount. 
His  domicil  was  at  Knoxville,  the  home  of  his  deceased  father. 
Keturning  from  Nashville  after  the  resignation  of  his  Secretaryship 
office,  he  became  a  candidate  for  Congress,  was  elected  and  became 
the  successor  of  Sevier.  A  son-in-law  of  William  Blount,  the 
expelled  Senator,  Hon.  Pleasant  M.  Miller,  had  also  been  elected 
a  member  of  Congress  at  a  previous  session,  succeeding  Hon. 
George  Washington  Campbell,  formerly  Secretary  of  the  United 
States  Treasury  and  jNIinister  to  Russia.  Mr.  Miller  was  also 
frequently  a  member  of  the  Legislature.  Another  son-in-law, 
Edwin  \\'yatt,  ^L  D.,  failed  only  b}'^  a  few  votes  of  becoming  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Tennessee  Legislature,  in  ]82o;  and  he  almost  a  stran- 
ger. I  need  not  mention  another  son-in-law,  Gen.  Edward  Pendle- 
ton Gaines,  late  of  the  United  States  Army.  And  here  I  aver  that 
in  all  these  political  races  for  offices.  State  and  Congressional,  and 
for  places  of  honor  and  distinction,  involving  personal  and  political 
antagonisms  of  every  degree  of  virulence  and  earnest  opposition, 
and  invective  on  the  stump  and  in  the  public  journals  of  the  da}', 
I  never  heard  the  conduct  of  Senator  Blount  alluded  to,  his  honor 
impugned,  or  his  personal  or  political  integrity  and  virtue  ma- 
ligned." 

To  show  something  of  the  character  of  the  class  of  men  who 
delighted  to  know  Gov.  Blount  after  his  expulsion  from  the  Senate, 
we  quote  from  Judge  Robertson's  letter  to  Gov.  Porter,  before  men- 
tioned : 

"The  State,  whose  new  honors  were  heaped  upon  Gov.  Blount, 


138  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM     BLOUNT. 

contained  at  that  time,  tliat  same  Jackson,  and  those  heroic  Ten- 
nesseeans,  Blount's  friends,  who  conquered  the  Creeks  and  Semi- 
noles  and  did  not  "deliver  New  Orleans  into,"  but  from  the  hands 
of  Great  Britain. 

"  The  people  of  Tennessee  were  greatly  indignant  at  the  attempted 
dishonor  and  indignity  put  upon  themselves  and  their  represen- 
tative, and,  as  they  were  neither  moral  nor  physical  cowards,  they 
had  the  manliness  to  stand  by  Blount  in  his  troubles,  and  resented 
his  treatment  by  heaping  fresh  honors  upon  him,  and  they  were 
ever  ready  to  vindicate,  as  they  did,  their  own  good  name  and 
lionor  in  battle  against  Indians  and  English,  not  only  at  New  Or- 
leans, but  at  Queenstown  and  Lundy's  Lane.  It  is  not  so  well 
known  as  it  should  be,  that  Scott's  best  troops  at  Queenstown  and 
Lundy's  Lane  were  recruited  in  Tennessee.  Gen.  Scott  was  ever 
prompt  to  acknowledge  it." 

We  conclude  our  account  with  tlie  following  letter  from  Hon. 
Hu.  Williamson  to  Hon.  Thomas  Blount,  with  accompanying 
statement,  marked  "A." 

"Ni:w  YoiJK,  March,  3,  1808. 

"  Dear  Sir  :  Some  weeks  ago  a  gentleman  from  tlie  Westerni 
country  called  upon  me  with  a  letter  from  an  old  acquaintance  in 
his  neighborhood.  In  that  letter  I  was  requested  to  call  upon  Dr. 
Romayne  and  ask  him  to  hand  me  certain  letters  that  had  been 
written  by  a  Mr.  Marshall,  of  Kentucky,  to  tlie  late  Gov.  Blount — 
on  a  subject  that  made  much  noise.  The  bearer  of  the  letter  to 
me,  being  acquainted  with  Marshall's  handwriting,  would  be  able- 
to  swear  to  it  in  some  action  for  defamation  that  is  now  pending. 
Dr.  Romayne  assured  me  that  he  never  had  seen  nv  heard  of  any 
such  letters,  but  he  wished  to  see  the  gentlemen  who  brought  me 
the  letter.  I  introduced  the  gentlemen,  tti  whom  the  doctor  gave 
a  detailed  account  of  the  whole  Inisiness  thnt  liad  becMi  called  a 
conspiracy. 

"  It  was  a  ])ure  land  sjH'cuhition  in  which  some  men  of  rank  in 
Europe  were  principals.  But  the  situation  of  those  men  and  cir- 
cumstances of  the  time  made  it  impro])er  for  Dr.  Romayne,  when 
sent  for  to  rinladelphia,  to  exi)lain  the  .^toiy.  lie  now  Undshin^i- 
self  at  liberty.  I  am  told  that  by  order  of  the  S*  nate  there  was  a 
pamphlet  printed  giving  an  account  of  tlie  sundiy  examinations 
of  witnesses,  or  of  the  i)roofs  that  Avere  adduced  on  that  trial  for 
expulsion.  The  object  of  this  is  to  re(iuesl  that  if  you  can  lay 
your  hands  on  a  copy  of  that  panqihlet,  you  will  send  it  to  me. 


I.IKK    OK    WII.I.IAM    lil.oLNT.  139- 

"  My  r<.'('lin,i:s  have  Ik  th  liuit  (Uicc,;!!!*!  a^;iiii,  within  a  few  iiKHitlis 
viz:  Since  lUirr's  trial  cainc  on,  liy  s(|iiilis  in  llic  nfAvs])iii)crs  in 
this  city.  Jt  lia.s  hccn  alii',i:c(l  that  il'  two  ^icntU'nicn  liad  l)eoa 
hiiniiod,  on  a  former  occasion,  we  should  not  have  been  troubled 
at  this  lime  with  Burr's  conspiracy.  As  those  jrentlenicn  were 
niinu'd  1  wished  to  discover  tlui  authors  or  authoresses  of  such 
malignant  observations,  and  from  jirintcrs  who  refused  to  ])ublish 
I  traced  the  writers. 

"My  wish  is  now  (having  the  correct  key  to  o].en  that  obscure- 
project,)  to  ilruw  up  ii  full  iind  clear  account  of  a  projecte<l  lantl 
speculation  ignorantly  called  a  conspiracy. 

"Time  and  circumstances  may  come  in  wliich  it  may  be  i>ro})er 
to  give  it  to  the  world.  At  any  rate  it  should  l)e  taken  Avhile  it 
may  be  had. 

"  It  will  be  clear  that,  as  our  alfairs  then  stood, the  I'nited  Statics 
would  have  been  essentially  prolite(l  by  the  contemplated  specu- 
lation. Hut  I  have  forgotten  so  uiany  of  t\\c  old  alleged  facts 
that  I  need  the  pamjihlet  to  refresh  my  memory. 

"The  Jersey  membt'r  having  to  relVi'sh  himself  laid  down 
the  Capitol  for  a  few'  months  from  his  shouldeis.  Congress  seems 
at  present  to  be  seriously  entering  upon  the  usual  duties  of  the 
session.  I  wish  them  a  good  deliverance,  and  am.  with  lln' sin- 
cerest  esteem,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  Ilr.  Williamson. 
"Honorable  Tiios.  Blouxt." 

(This  is  in  handwriting  of  Dr.  llu.  \Mllianison.) 

A 

A  Short  Account  of  the  Origin  and  Progress  of  a  Speculation  llud  Termi- 
nated in  a  Project  that  wa-s  called  Blount's  Con.spiracj/.'-'' 

"  In  the  year  17'.)"),  sundry  gt'ntlenien  in  London,  wishing  to  in- 
crease their  fortunes,  (soniL"  of  them  having  court  interest,)  projected 

*Thu  above  is  u  copy  of  an  unsigned  paper  whieli  acuoinpaiiied  an  original 
letter  written  by  Hugh  AVilliam.son  to  Gen.  Thomas  Blount,  diitcd  Msueh  3, 
1808,  and  whicli  letter  is  copied  herewith  some  eight  or  ten  years  ago.  exact 
time  not  remembered.  The  Honorable  Supreme. I  udge,  Wm  il  Kudman  of  Wash- 
ington, X.  C,  who  was  a  nephew  of  Gov.  Wm.  Ijlount.  .-nd  named  for  him, 
.since  had  the  original  letter  addre.s.sed  to  Gen.  'J'homas  Blount,  of  Tarborough, 
N.  C,  at  Washington  city  by  Dr.  Hugh  Williamson,  then  of  New  York  — wliich 
letter  was  dated  od  of  March,  ISOH.  and  was  mailed  to  (Jen.  Hlount  on  the4lh, 
and  marked  free.  Gen.  Thomas  Blount  died  at  Washington  in  1812,  wjiiie  at- 
tending Congress.  This  origiiial  letter  was  accompanied  by  a '•  statement,'' 
evidently  in  Dr.  Williamson's  handwriting,  and  though  not  signed  by  William- 
son, was  intended  to  be  connected  with  the  letter. 


140  LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    BLOUNT. 

a  plan  for  obtaiuinji;  and  settling  a  province  on  the  Mississippi. 

"  It  was  known  to  those  gentlemen  that  in  the  year  1787,  when 
]\Ir.  Gardoquin  was  minister  to  the  United  States  from  the  Court  of 
Spain,  that  court  was  very  desirous  to  cause  tlie  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  especially  the  inhabitants  of  Kentucky,  to  remove 
and  settle  on  the  western  side  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the  territory 
of  Spain.  B}^  that  measure  they  expected  to  draw  off  the  people 
Avho  were  very  clamorous  and  nearly  riotious  al)Out  getting  pos- 
session of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

"  The  whole  course  of  that  business  being  known  to  the  gentlemen 
in  question,  they  had  a  right  to  suppose  that  Spain  would  not 
luive  any  objection  to  making  a  grant  of  land  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Mississippi  to  be  settled  by  people  from  the  United  States. 

"  The  Marquis  cle  las  Casas,  Count  Montier,  and  Dr.  Romayne, 
Avere  the  original  projectors  of  the  speculatioiL  The  Marquis  de 
las  Casas  was  at  that  time  ambassador  from  Spain  to  the  Court 
of  London.  Count  Montier,  before  the  French  revolution,  had 
been  minister  to  the  United  States  from  the  King  of  France,  but 
was  out  of  favor,  under  the  French  republic,  etc.,  was  in  London. 
Spain  at  that  period  was  at  peace  with  England,  but  she  had  lately 
been  at  war  with  the  French  republic. 

"  The  plan  of  this  triumvirate  was  to  obtain  the  grant  of  a  tract 
of  land  bounded  to  the  eastward  by  the  Mississippi,  to  the  south- 
ward and  westward  by  the  Missouri,  and  to  the  northward  by  a 
parallel  of  latitude,  the  42d  degree ;  to  be  a  province  called  the 
Delta.     It  would  have  contained  about  fourteen  millions  of  acres. 

"  A  form  of  government  was  prepared  and  a  charti'r  was  made 
out,  in  whicli  were  inserted  the  names  of  the  aliove  stated  three 
adventurers,  with  a  blank  to  be  tilled  in  Madrid  by  such  other 
names  as  might  be  necessary  to  obtaining  tlie  royal  signature. 

"  In  the  form  of  government  it  was  jn-ovided,  among  other  things, 
that  the  inhabitants  should  enjoy  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion, 
but  the  i)roi)rietors  were,  at  their  own  expense,  1o  keep  schools  in 
€very  townsliif)  or  i)arish,  for  teaching  the  Spanish  language. 
Thus  it  would  foHow  that  in  time  Spanish  would  l>e  the  language 
of  the  province.  Things  went  on  prospei'ousiy,  and  tlu'  company, 
according  to  accounts  from  S[)ain,  were  eon (ident  of  success ;  but 
on  the  next  summer,  viz:  in  17i)(t,  they  werc>  infornie(l  that  the 
grant  could  not  pass.  This  was,  to  the  S[)anisli  enii.assador  him- 
self, asul)joctof  surprise, buthe  learned  the  cause.  Spain  liad  been 
compelled  to  make  peace  with  France,  and   tiiere    was   a  secret 


LIFE    OF   WILLIAM    BLOUNT.  141 

article  in  the  treaty  by  whi^-li  slie  had^iveii  up  all  rvouisiana.  The 
projected  province  was  included  in  that  cession. 

"Spain  continued  for  some  time  at  peace  with  England,  hut  in 
1797,  at  the  time  of  the  interview  between  Gov.  Blount  and  Dr. 
Romayne,  England  was  at  war  with  both  those  nations — Franco 
and  Spain. 

"  When  it  was  fully  ascertained  that  Spain  had  yielded  Louisiana 
to  France,  the  only  question  that  presented  itself  to  Dr.  Romayne 
was,  whether  it  would  be  safe^St  and  best  for  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  on  the  western  waters  to  have  an  English  or  a 
French  colony  settled  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  In  case 
of  an  English  colony,  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  secured 
to  the  Western  States,  for  England  had  expressly  given  it  to  us  by 
treaty,  and  this  was  the  great  desideratum  of  the  Western  people. 

"  It  was  also  clear  that  the  English,  being  a  commercial  nation, 
would  accommodate  the  settlers  in  the  "Western  States  ;  nor  could 
there  be  any  danger  of  a  territorial  war  with  the  English  in  that 
province.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  French  should  take  posses- 
sion of  New  Orleans  and  the  Mississippi,  it  was  very  questionable 
whether  our  people  could  ever  obtain  the  free  navigation  of  that 
river,  except  by  becoming  French  subjects.  But  one  thing  might 
be  counted  on,  if  we  had  French  neighbors,  viz ;  that  we  should 
have  a  constant  recurrence  of  broils  and  quarrels. 

"  It  was  clear  that  England  with  a  very  small  exertion  might  pos- 
sess herself  of  New  Orleans,  and  whether  that  province,  when 
peace  should  be  made,  was  claimed  by  France  or  by  Spain,  Eng- 
land Avould  doubtless  keep  it,  for  West  Florida  had  formerly 
belonged  to  her. 

"  Such  was  the  detail  that  Dr.  Romayne  stated  to  Gov.  Blount, 
and  he  alleged  that  if  he  could  by  any  means  be  aiding  to  Great 
Britain  in  getting  possession  of  New  Orleans  he  would  render  the 
most  essential  service  to  his  fellow  citizens  on  the  western  waters. 
He  would  secure  to  them,  what  otherwise  they  had  little  hope  of 
getting,  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  he  would  obviate 
the  arrival  of  a  powerful  and  dangerous  neighbor. 

"  Gov.  Blount  approved  of  those  reasonings,  ami  with  motives 
truly  patriotic  he  resolved  to  ]n-omote  the  measure.  His  fault  was 
a  misfortune  that  is  too  connnon.  He  trusted  to  an  intemperate 
and  unqualilied  agent. 

''The  plan  that  was  to  have  been  executed  by  the  English  gov- 
ernment, as  will  appear  by  the  detail,  was  by  no  means  dillicult." 

In  the  full  enjoyment  of  power  and  popularity,  Gov.  Blount 


SOLIi 


142  LIFE   OF    WILLIAM   BLOUXT. 

died  on  the  21st  of  March,  1800,  at  Knoxville,  after  a  short  iUness, 
lamented  b\'  a  community  who  reverenced  him  with  filial  affection. 
A  marble  slab  in  the  First  Presbyterian  Church-yard  covers  his 
Temains.  On  one  side  of  him  lies  his  wife,  who  died  October  7, 1802, 
and  on  the  other,  his  sister,  Mrs.  Ann  Harvey,  who  died  June  3, 1805. 
In  respect  to  his  merits  and  services,  the  county  of  Blount,  and 
Blountville  were  named  after  him  by  the  Legislature ;  and  as  a 
comiDliment  to  Mrs.  Blount,  the  Legislature  gave  her  name  to 
Granger  county  and  the  town  of  Mary  ville ;  her  maiden  namebeing 
Mary  Grainger.     His  six  children  who  survived  him,  were  : 

First.  Ann,  who  married  Henry  I.  Toole,  and  on  his  death, 
Hadley,  both  of  North  Carolina. 

Second.  Mary  Louisa,  who  married  Pleasant  M.  Miller,  of  Knox- 
ville, in  April,  1801,  and  became  the  mother  of  Major  Albert  S. 
Miller,  of  the  United  States  Army ;  Gen.  Wm.  B.  MiUer ;  Malvina, 
wife  of  Charles  ^McClung,  of  Knoxville ;  Dorthula,  wife  of  Gen. 
Alexander  B.  Bradford,  a  distinguished  lawyer  and  soldier ;  Susan, 
wife  of  Joel  H.  Dyer,  a  lawyer;  Barbara,  Avife  of  Col.  William  H. 
Stephens,  a  lawyer,  formerly  of  Tennessee,  now  of  California ;  Mar- 
tha Grainger  ]\liller ;  Mary  Ann  Miller,  and  John  Jacob  Miller. 

Third.  William  Grainger  Blount,  a  gentleman  of  ability  and 
merit,  who  twice  represented  the  Knoxville  district  in  Congress, 
and  died  in  1827;  unmarried. 

Fourth,  Richard  Blackledge  Blount,  who  married  Catherine 
Miner,  of  Montgomery  county,  and  died  about  the  year  1861,  leav- 
ing issue. 

Fifth,  Barbara  Blount,  born  in  1792,  and  married  to  that  ac- 
complished gentleman  and  distinguished  soldier,  Major-General 
Edmund  P.  Gaines.  She  died  in  183G,  leaving  one  son,  Edmund 
P.,  who  resides  in  Washington  City. 

Sixth.  Eliza  Blount,  who  married  Dr.  Edward  Wyatt,  a  surgeon 
in  the  United  States  Arm.)',  and  died  leaving  children,  of  whom 
the  only  surviving  is  Mary,  the  widow  of  Josiah  Ayres,  now  living 
in  Colorado  Territory. 


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